PRACTICAL BASE OF FORMULATING RETRAINING PROGRAMS ON ETHNIC MINORITY AFFAIRS KNOWLEDGE FOR CADRES, CIVIL SERVANTS UP TO 2030

Author(s):  
Nguyen Van Dung ◽  
Giang Khac Binh

As developing programs is the core in fostering knowledge on ethnic work for cadres and civil servants under Decision No. 402/QD-TTg dated 14/3/2016 of the Prime Minister, it is urgent to build training program on ethnic minority affairs for 04 target groups in the political system from central to local by 2020 with a vision to 2030. The article highlighted basic issues of practical basis to design training program of ethnic minority affairs in the past years; suggested solutions to build the training programs in integration and globalization period.

2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Nguyen Van Dung ◽  
Nguyen Ngoc Minh ◽  
Pham Kim Cuong

Developing a ethnic knowledge training program for cadres, civil servants and public employees according to 04 target groups (Prime Minister, 2018) in the political system from the central to local levels to meet the requirements of ethnic minority affairs up to 2030 is an urgent task. Because the program is “the core” to create a breakthrough in training ethnic knowledge, improving the capacity of the contingent of cadres, civil servants and public employees in formulating ethnic policies and organizing the implementation of Party and State’s policies in the current period. The article analyzes the results of theoretical and practical research on the development of ethnic knowledge training program and provides the results of developing a program that meets the requirements of Vietnam’s ethnic minority affairs from now to 2030.


2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Phí Hùng Cương

Determining the urgent needs of attracting, recruiting and employing a contingent of cadres, civil servants and officials of ethnic minorities in the political system is essential. This is not only an important task of the Party and State of ethnic minority cadres’ work but also aims to resolve urgent issues to meet the objective requirements of ethnic minority areas in the period of promoting industrialization - modernization and international integration. The research assesses the current needs of attracting, recruiting and using cadres, civil servants and officials of ethnic minorities in the political system; At the same time, there is an overall, in-depth and important view of the importance of ethnic minority cadres for the socio-economic development in ethnic minority and mountainous areas.


2008 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 45-49
Author(s):  
Elisheva Yun

Over a decade after the close of the fifteen-year Lebanese Civil War, the cultural and political landscape of sectarianism has shifted significantly in Lebanon. Circumstances of uncertainty and upheaval in the past couple of years—Prime Minister Rafik al-Hariri’s assassination in 2005, the subsequent Cedar Revolution that spurred Syria’s withdrawal from Lebanese territory, a string of assassinations of anti-Syrian politicians, the Israel-Hizbullah War of 2006, anti-government protests and Hizbullah’s seizure of sections of Beirut in May 2008—have both fed into and arose from tensions between religious groups. Recent events suggest the centrality of sectarianism to questions about Lebanon’s stability. The momentous political changes that Lebanon has witnessed have raised questions as to the changing nature of sectarianism as well. In particular, given that sectarianism has fed into significant conflict, is it appropriate or productive to maintain sectarianism as the guiding principle for the political system? How have new avenues of discussion influenced Lebanon’s experience of sectarianism? Blogs, collectively referred to as the blogosphere, have provided an increasingly popular means of expression in Lebanon. Blogging has become more prominent through moments of conflict, namely the Cedar Revolution in 2005 and the Israel-Hizbullah conflict in the summer of 2006. As the Lebanese blogosphere virulently debates the unfolding events and the role of sectarianism in Lebanon, blogs offer an illuminating lens as to whether the Lebanese population deems sectarianism to be an appropriate organizing principle for its government.


2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Vũ Thị Thanh Minh

Implementing the Prime Minister’s Directive No. 38/2004/CT-TTg of November 9, 2004, on stepping up the training and retraining of ethnic minority languages for cadres, civil servants, and public employees in ethnic minority and mountainous areas, over the past 15 years, many localities throughout the country have implemented training and retraining of ethnic minority languages for cadres and public employees working in the area and gained very satisfactory results. However, this work also revealed a number of limitations and shortcomings, especially when the Prime Minister issued Decision No. 771/QD-TTg, dated June 26, 2018, approving the Scheme on “Fostering ethnic knowledge for cadres, officials, and public employees for the period of 2018 - 2025”, in which important content is that by 2025, at least 80% of cadres, civil servants and public employees of group 3, The target group of district 4 and commune level who directly contact and work directly with ethnic minorities, who are trained in ethnic minority languages, the requirements for this work is higher. Based on the analysis of the status of the training and retraining of ethnic minority languages for the contingent of cadres, civil servants, and public employees working in ethnic minority areas, the article discusses some solutions to implement this work efficiently in the current period.


2016 ◽  
Vol 49 (3) ◽  
pp. 243-254 ◽  
Author(s):  
Timofey Agarin ◽  
Miķelis Grīviņš

The paper investigates the dynamics and volution of issues on the agenda of Baltic environmental non-governmental organisations (NGOs) since the collapse of communism. The past research on Baltic environment activism suggests that these enjoy high visibility because they tapped the core societal views of natural environment as a crucial asset of a nation. As we demonstrate in this paper, the changes in agendas of Baltic environmental non-governmental organisations (ENGOs) make clear that the rhetorical toolbox of ‘national environment’ is often used to mainly achieve greater financial gains for individual members, rather than for society at large. We illustrate how the dearth of economic opportunities for domestic public has impacted perceptions of ‘nature’ advocated by the environmental activists, focussing specifically on national perceptions of ownership and the resulting actions appropriating ‘nature’ as a source for economic development, only tangentially attaining environmental outcomes on the way. The vision that the ‘environment’ is an economic resource allowed ENGO activists to cooperate with the domestic policymaking, while tapping international networks and donors for funding. Throughout the past decades they worked to secure their own and their members’ particularistic economic interests and, as we demonstrate, remained disengaged from the political process and failed to develop broader reproach with publics.


2020 ◽  
pp. 78-111
Author(s):  
Maya Nadkarni

This chapter argues that the various attempts to distance the past became the condition of Hungary for its return in the form of nostalgia for socialist mass and popular culture. It discusses the remains of socialism from anachronistic monuments and devalued historical narratives to the detritus of an everyday life now on the brink of vanishing, such as candy bars and soda pop. Despite appearances, this nostalgia did not represent a wistful desire to return to the previous era nor simply to the gleeful impulse to laugh at state socialist kitsch found years earlier. The chapter explains the detachment of fond communal memories of certain objects from the political system that produced them. It points out the ironic invocation of the international discourse of cultural heritage that legitimate the trash of the previous era and enabled Hungarians to redefine themselves as both savvy capitalist consumers and cultured democratic citizens.


2004 ◽  
Vol 32 (2) ◽  
pp. 390-416
Author(s):  
Amanda Barratt

The title of this paper follows the 2003 Meeting theme: Law in a Time of Transition. Speakers thus far have discussed the various ways in which South African substantive law has changed since 1990. With such far-reaching changes in the political and legal landscape, one would expect to see some changes in the legal literature. There have indeed been profound changes in the forms of legal publication over the past few years, some of which would seem to be a direct result of the new legal and political system. I refer in this context not so much to the content and substance of our statutes and decided cases, but rather to the forms in which they are made available.


Geophysics ◽  
1964 ◽  
Vol 29 (2) ◽  
pp. 151-153 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charles C. Bates

A decade ago, it would have been the rare geophysicist indeed who would have predicted that his specialty was destined to become a major topic of discussion between such world political leaders as Presidents Eisenhower and Kennedy, Prime Minister Macmillan of Great Britain, and Chairman Khrushchev of the USSR. Yet this has come to pass during the past six years, for in 1958 there started the continuing round of international negotiations directed towards the creation of an effective underground test-ban treaty. During the conduct of these negotiations, it has been repeatedly necessary to assess the current state-of-the-art in seismology and its sister geophysical sciences, for the only detectable signals known to propagate for several hundreds to thousands of miles from underground nuclear tests are seismic in nature. With the United States policy being only to seek an underground-test-ban agreement incorporating strong safeguards against acts of bad faith, it is important that the political safe-guards be backed up by those of a geophysical nature.


2018 ◽  
Vol 13 (6) ◽  
pp. 1129-1143
Author(s):  
Barbara Laubenthal ◽  
Daniel Schumacher

This article focuses on campaigns by former colonial soldiers from Nepal and Hong Kong and their struggles for British citizenship over the last three decades. When analysing these mobilizations, we combine approaches from social movement research with insights from cultural memory studies. We use the concept of ‘relational fields’ to determine how these former colonial soldiers systematically utilized the past as a political framing device and thus revealed themselves to be not outsiders to the political system but equal players therein. We argue that their actions are best understood as a series of connected postcolonial civil rights campaigns that often reinforce rather than reverse romanticized and positivist representations of Britain’s imperial past. While in some instances colonial veterans were able to mount meaningful political interventions, our analysis shows that the veterans’ eventual acceptance into British society could only come at the price of their continued stereotyped depiction as colonial subjects.


Subject Outlook for the post-transition political system. Significance The August 7 constitutional referendum will be conducted under tightened controls on political organisation, making a 'yes' vote more likely. Although the Democratic Party criticises the draft for its attempt to return Thailand to a semi-authoritarian state, efforts by deposed former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra's 'red-shirt' supporters to organise protests offer the only real opposition to the junta's plan. This struggle foreshadows the political system that is likely to emerge after the next parliamentary elections. Impacts Regulatory risk to investors post-transition would be limited: the military, the Democrats and the PTP are pro-business. China will not alter the status quo in its Thai relations, but will need to invest in building ties with the next monarch. Washington will tolerate most eventualities, except a violent crackdown against the military's opponents.


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