The Free Republican Party in the political cartoons of the 1930s

2015 ◽  
Vol 53 ◽  
pp. 93-136
Author(s):  
Gökçen Başaran İnce
Keyword(s):  
Thematic Analysis ◽  
Republican Party ◽  
Party System ◽  
Historical Memory ◽  
Political Cartoons ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Messages ◽  
People's Party ◽  
The Social ◽  
Kemal Ataturk

AbstractThe Free Republican Party (FRP; Serbest Cumhuriyet Fırkası), founded and dissolved in 1930, represented the second attempt to transition to a multi-party system in Turkey, following the formation of the Progressive Republican Party (Terakkiperver Cumhuriyet Fırkası) in 1924. In contrast to the oppositional establishment of the latter, the FRP seemed to be a state-originated project whose establishment was decided upon by the elites of the day, led by Mustafa Kemal Atatürk. Its representation in contemporary cartoons is deemed important today given the political cartoon’s ability to simplify complex political messages into understandable symbols and metaphors and to address or reach those who may not be literate. Taking into account the social structure of society during this period, this aspect of the reach of cartoons becomes particularly important. Political cartoons’ ability to both support the text in a newspaper and penetrate historical memory through stereotypes is also significant in terms of the representation of personalities and events. This article will attempt to analyze the formation of the FRP and the depiction of its elites through newspaper cartoons. Three prominent and pro-Republican People’s Party (Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi) newspapers of this period—namely Cumhuriyet, Milliyet, and Vakit—will provide the material for the content and thematic analysis of the study.

scholarly journals The social origins and political uses of popular narratives on Serbian disunity

2005 ◽  
pp. 65-104 ◽  
Author(s):  
Slobodan Naumovic
Keyword(s):  
Identity Politics ◽  
Party System ◽  
Conflicts Of Interest ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Party Politics ◽  
Social Contexts ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
The Social ◽  
Identity Based

The text offers an examination of socio-political bases, modes of functioning, and of the consequences of political instrumentalisation of popular narratives on Serbian disunity. The first section of the paper deals with what is being expressed and what is being done socially when narratives on Serbian disunity are invoked in everyday discourses. The next section investigates what political actor sty, by publicly replicating them, or by basing their speeches on key words of those narratives. The narratives on Serbian disunity are then related to their historical and social contexts, and to various forms of identity politics with which they share common traits. The nineteenth century wars over political and cultural identity, intensified by the struggle between contesting claims to political authority, further channeled by the development of party politics in Serbia and radicalized by conflicts of interest and ideology together provided the initial reasons for the apparition of modern discourses on Serbian disunity and disaccord. Next, addressed are the uninnally solidifying or misinterpreting really existing social problems (in the case of some popular narratives on disunity), or because of intentionally exploiting popular perceptions of such problems (in the case of most political meta-narratives), the constructive potential related to existing social conflicts and splits can be completely wasted. What results is a deep feeling of frustration, and the diminishing of popular trust in the political elites and the political process in general. The contemporary hyperproduction of narratives on disunity and disaccord in Serbia seems to be directly related to the incapacity of the party system, and of the political system in general, to responsibly address, and eventually resolve historical and contemporary clashes of interest and identity-splits. If this vicious circle in which the consequences of social realities are turned into their causes is to be prevented, conflicts of interest must be discursively disassociated from ideological conflicts, as well as from identity-based conflicts, and all of them have to be disentangled from popular narratives on splits and disunity. Most important of all, the practice of political instrumentalisation of popular narratives on disunity and disaccord has to be gradually abandoned.

Austria: Phasing-Out Grand Coalition Government

2021 ◽  
pp. 41-80
Author(s):  
Wolfgang C. Müller
Keyword(s):  
Democratic Party ◽  
Party System ◽  
Grand Coalition ◽  
Coalition Government ◽  
People's Party ◽  
Coalition Politics ◽  
Underlying Principle ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Government ◽  
Post War

Grand coalition government of the Austrian People’s Party (ÖVP and the Social Democratic Party (SPÖ) had been the hallmark of post-war Austria but the historic ‘grand coalition’ formula seems exhausted. The rationale for maintaining this cooperation vanished, electoral changes undermined the former duopoly of these parties, and party system changes brought new players into the game. Yet at the government level alternatives involving the Freedom Party (FPÖ) have proved unstable as in each case an FPÖ event brought down the government or prevented its renewal. The chapter shows how routine formateur-led processes of coalition formation resulting in anticipated outcomes contrast with a few instances which significantly deviate. Coalition governance is characterized by the use of an elaborated set of rules and instruments and great continuity over time and different types of coalition. Accordingly, the underlying principle of coalition politics has been the ‘coalition compromise’ model, with government policies to be largely agreed between the coalition partners. In practice, ministerial discretion tends to shift government policy output towards the model of ‘constrained ministerial government’. Most coalitions terminated early because of inter-party conflict.

The Paradox of Partisanship

2020 ◽  
pp. 35-57
Author(s):  
Lee Drutman
Keyword(s):  
Political Thought ◽  
Republican Party ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
Party System ◽  
American Political Science Association ◽  
The Political ◽  
American Political Thought ◽  
The Right ◽  
American Political Science ◽  
Science Association

This chapter examines the paradox of partisanship. In 1950, the American Political Science Association put out a major report arguing for a “more responsible two-party system.” The two parties—the Democratic Party and the Republican Party—were then largely indistinguishable coalitions of parochial local parties, and the political scientists argued that too little, rather than too much polarization, was the problem. This sets up a paradox: Some party division is necessary, but too much can be deadly. Various traditions in American political thought have tried to resolve this paradox. Antipartisans have urged consensus above all. Responsible partisans have urged competition above all. Meanwhile, bipartisans have urged compromise above all. Consensus is impossible. However, both compromise and competition are essential to democracy. Only the neglected multiparty tradition can solve the paradox with the right balance of competition and compromise.

Getting Partisan

2020 ◽  
pp. 181-218
Author(s):  
Adam Slez
Keyword(s):  
Republican Party ◽  
Party Politics ◽  
Third Party ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Field ◽  
People's Party ◽  
To Come ◽  
Over Time

This chapter traces the rise and fall of electoral Populism in southern Dakota. It begins by examining the transformation of the political field in Dakota Territory, where politics was traditionally organized around the fight for patronage. Excluded from power by the dominant faction of the Republican Party, the leaders of the Farmers’ Alliance turned to third-party politics as a means of waging war on their more elite rivals. I show that support for Populist candidates was closely with Alliance strength, though this relationship weakened over time as the People’s Party took on a life of its own. Major victories were hard to come by in the absence of electoral fusion. The free silver question served as a rallying point for pro-fusion forces, which succeeded in taking power. Unable to manage the distribution of patronage, the fusionist coalition quickly collapsed, taking what was left of the Populist movement with it.

scholarly journals Elections in Bosnia and Herzegovina for the Constitution assembly of the Kingdoms of Serb, Croats and Slovenes and the transformation of social splits into political divisions

2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (4) ◽  
pp. 66-90
Author(s):  
Amir Ahmetović ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Communist Party ◽  
Bosnia And Herzegovina ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
Party System ◽  
The Political ◽  
Party Affiliation ◽  
People's Party ◽  
Social Divisions ◽  
Political Entrepreneurs

Based on the available literature, social division is defined as a measure that separates community members into groups. When it comes to Bosnia and Herzegovina and its population who spoke the same language and shared the same territory, the confessional (millet) division from the time of Turkish rule, as a fundamental social fact on the basis of which the Serbian and Croatian national identity of the Bosnian Catholic and the Orthodox population remained in Bosnia and Herzegovina even after the departure of the Austro-Hungarian administration in 1918. Historical confessional and ethnic divisions that developed in the Ottoman and Austro-Hungarian periods became the key and only basis for political and party gatherings and are important for today's Bosnia and Herzegovina segmented society. The paper attempts to examine the applicability of the analytical framework (theory) of Lipset and Rokan (formulated in the 1960s) on social divisions in the case of the elections in Bosnia and Herzegovina for the Constituent Assembly of the Kingdom of Slovenes, Croats and Serbs in 1920? Elements for the answer can be offered by the analysis of the relationship between the ethno-confessional affiliation of citizens, on the one hand, party affiliation, on the other and their acceptance of certain political attitudes and values on the third side. If there is a significant interrelation, it could be concluded that at least indirectly the lines of social divisions condition the party-political division. The political system, of course, is not just a simple reflex of social divisions. One should first try to find the answer to the initial questions: what are the key lines of social divisions? How do they overlap and intersect? How and under what conditions does the transformation of social divisions into a party system take place? The previously stated social divisions passed through the filter of political entrepreneurs and returned as a political offer in which the specific interests and motives of (ethnic) political entrepreneurs were included and incorporated. After the end of the First World War, ethnic, confessional and cultural divisions were (and still are) very present in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The key lines of division in the ethnic, confessional and cultural spheres, their development and predominantly multipolar (four-polar) character through changes in the forms and breadth of interest and political organization have influenced political options (divisions) and further complicating and strengthening B&H political splits. The concept of cleavage is a mediating concept between the concept of social stratification and its impact on political grouping and political institutions and the political concept that emphasizes the reciprocal influence of political institutions and decisions on changes in social structure. Thanks to political mobilization in ethno-confessional, cultural and class divisions, then the "history of collective memory" and inherited ethno-confessional conflicts, mass political party movements were formed very quickly in Bosnia and Herzegovina as an integral part of the Kingdom of Slovenes, Croats and Serbs ( Yugoslav Muslim organization, Communist Party of Yugoslavia, Yugoslav Democratic Party, Croatian Farmers' Party, Croatian People's Party, Farmers' Union, People's Radical Party ...). The lines of social divisions overlap with ethnic divisions (Yugoslav Muslim Organization, Croatian Farmers' Party, Croatian People's Party, Farmers' Union, People's Radical Party ...) but also intersect them so that several ethnic groups can coexist within the same party-political framework (Communist Party of Yugoslavia). The significant, even crucial influence of party affiliation and identification on the adoption of certain attitudes speaks of the strong feedback of the parties and even of some kind of created party identity. The paper discusses the first elections in Bosnia and Herzegovina organized during the Kingdom of SCS and the formation of Bosnia and Herzegovina's political spectrum on the basic lines of social divisions.

scholarly journals The image of Taras Shevchenko in the socio-political activities and works of Nikolai Mikhnovsky

10.33287/1198 ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 82-96
Author(s):  
С. І. Світленко
Keyword(s):  
Political Party ◽  
Historical Memory ◽  
The Political ◽  
Secret Society ◽  
Independent State ◽  
Political Activities ◽  
Language And Culture ◽  
People's Party ◽  
Liberal Democratic ◽  
World Outlook

It is proved that the image of Taras Shevchenko as an uncompromising fighter for national and social liberation of the Ukrainian people had a strong influence on the formation and development of the worldview ofMykolaMikhnovsky. Shevchenko’s ideals predetermined the early crystallization of the national-patriotic outlook of the Ukrainian activist and led to the Ukrainian secret society «Brotherhood Tarasivtsi», which resolutely broke with apolitical Ukrainophilism. Mykola Mikhnovsky became an ideologue of Ukrainian independence, which, following the ideals of Taras Shevchenko, even more clearly sparked the path of struggle for the political, national and economic will of the Ukrainian people. It was shown that at the beginning of the 20th century. the Ukrainian activist inhaled the energy in the creation of the first political party of the Naddnepryanshchina – the Revolutionary Ukrainian Party, and then the Ukrainian People’s Party, which became the ideological mouthpiece of Ukrainian independentists. Shevchenko ideals and the image of Kobzar have been accompanied by Mykola Mikhnovsky for many years and have become an integral part of his world outlook and activities in the decisive times of the Ukrainian Revolution. It is emphasized that not all methods of struggle of independentists found support of conscious Ukrainians of the liberal-democratic and socialist camp, but Mykola Mikhnovsky forever became history as a courageous and consistent fighter for the dignity of the Ukrainian nation, fearlessly advocated for the protection of his native language and culture, for preserving the historical memory of Taras Shevchenko for the approval of the idea of a Ukrainian independent state.

The Party System

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nicholas Aylott
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Party System ◽  
The Political ◽  
Social Democrats ◽  
System P ◽  
The Social ◽  
Patterns Of Interaction

A party system refers to the political parties that operate in a given polity and to their patterns of interaction. The Swedish system was long associated with several features: it had five parties; they were aligned in two informal blocs; and one party, the Social Democrats, has provided much the biggest, dominating governments. These patterns, summarized as “moderate pluralism,” were also stable. Since the 1980s, much has changed. There are now more parties in Parliament. By 2010 the bloc structure looked remarkably institutionalized. But a more “polarized pluralism,” seen briefly in the 1970s and 1990s, might now be in prospect.

The Party System

2020 ◽  
pp. 211-229
Author(s):  
Christoffer Green-Pedersen ◽  
Karina Kosiara-Pedersen
Keyword(s):  
Party System ◽  
Public Funding ◽  
Party Competition ◽  
New Parties ◽  
People's Party ◽  
The Core ◽  
Electoral Support ◽  
The Social ◽  
Internal Coherence ◽  
The One

The earthquake election in 1973 could have been the beginning of the end of the Danish party system, which was very stable up to that point. However, more than 45 years later, the core of the Danish party system is still the one that was formed in the early twentieth century. The core of party competition is on the left-right dimension between the four old parties. The Social Democrats and the Social Liberals are on the centre-left side, with the Liberals and the Conservatives on the centre-right side. However, several related developments challenge this core. The four old parties have lost electoral support to new parties. The Danish People’s Party in particular has become a central actor in the Danish party system. New issues like immigration also challenge the internal coherence of the blocs. In terms of party organization, the Danish political parties have undergone a development similar to that of many other Western countries. Party membership has declined significantly, but not disappeared, and public funding plays a central role today. The new parties have also come to resemble the old ones in terms of internal structure.

scholarly journals The Ideological Asymmetry of the American Party System

2014 ◽  
Vol 46 (4) ◽  
pp. 825-844 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yphtach Lelkes ◽  
Paul M. Sniderman
Keyword(s):  
Social Welfare ◽  
Republican Party ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
Party System ◽  
Focal Point ◽  
Cross Sectional ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Status ◽  
American Party

Most Americans support liberal policies on the social welfare agenda, the dominant policy cleavage in American politics. Yet a striking feature of the US party system is its tendency to equilibrium. How, then, does the Republican Party minimize defection on the social welfare agenda? The results of this study illustrate a deep ideological asymmetry between the parties. Republican identifiers are ideologically aware and oriented to a degree that far exceeds their Democratic counterparts. Our investigation, which utilizes cross-sectional, longitudinal and experimental data, demonstrates the role of ideological awareness and involvement in the Republicans’ ability to maintain the backing of their supporters even on issues on which the position of the Democratic Party is widely popular. It also exposes two mechanisms, party branding and the use of the status quo as a focal point, that Democrats use to retain or rally support for issues on the social welfare agenda on which the Republican Party’s position is widely popular.

scholarly journals How Did Donald Trump Turn the Republican Party into the People's Party?

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kobby Barda
Keyword(s):  
Republican Party ◽  
Donald Trump ◽  
People's Party ◽  
The Poor ◽  
Racial Background ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Us ◽  
White Supremacists ◽  
Support Rate ◽  
The Rich

The accepted working assumption on the eve of the 2020 Presidential Election in the US was that his image, as well as the perception that he holds negative opinions regarding immigrants and immigration while supported by white supremacists, would result in voters casting their ballot based on racial or ethnic considerations to vote against him.This paper was aimed at examining that linkage, to see if it took place in reality, or rather if voting needs to be looked at as a choice made based on class and stature, not racial background. To examine the issue at hand, 2016 voting patterns were compared to 2020 exit polls based on racial background. The findings showed that support for President Trump rose across all races, sometimes more than doubling. At the same time, votes were analyzed based on a breakdown by class. For the study, three batches of districts were chosen: the poor of America, the average of America, and the rich of America. One district was chosen from each state, and a total of 147 districts from across the US were looked at. The research shows that as one climbs the social ladder, support for President Trump declines. Or, in the context of this paper: the lower one is on the social class ladder, especially among the 'forgotten' periphery, the higher the approval and support rate of President Trump is.

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