The Effect of White Social Prejudice on Support for American Democracy

2020 ◽  
pp. 1-18 ◽  
Author(s):  
Steven V. Miller ◽  
Nicholas T. Davis
Keyword(s):  
Survey Data ◽  
Separation Of Powers ◽  
World Values Survey ◽  
White Americans ◽  
Democratic Institutions ◽  
American Democracy ◽  
Racial Background ◽  
Lower Baseline ◽  
Support For Democracy ◽  
Social Prejudice

Abstract Social prejudice constitutes an unwillingness to associate with individuals whose cultural or racial background differs from one's own group. Such prejudice is a particularly thorny problem in the context of democracy, which requires citizens to minimally respect such differences. In this paper, we assess the relationships between these attitudes and support for democratic institutions. Using World Values Survey data from 1995 to 2011, we find that prejudice toward cultural, ethnic, or racial “others” reduces the value that white Americans assign to democracy. We also find white Americans who exhibit these attitudes are more likely to dismiss the value of separation of powers and are more likely to support army rule. These findings imply that exclusionary rhetoric targeted toward non-white groups is accompanied by lower baseline support for democracy. We close with a discussion of how our analyses inform the study of Americans' attitudes toward democracy

Principles Matter

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Carlos A. Ball
Keyword(s):  
Federal Government ◽  
Free Speech ◽  
Separation Of Powers ◽  
Democratic Institutions ◽  
Democratic Values ◽  
Short Term ◽  
White House ◽  
Rule Of Thumb ◽  
Constitutional Principle ◽  
Long Run

Progressives who opposed the Trump administration’s policies found themselves repeatedly relying on constitutional principles grounded in federalism, separation of powers, and free speech to resist the federal government. Although many progressives had either criticized or underemphasized those principles before Trump, the principles became vital to progressive causes after Trump was elected. Using dozens of examples from the ways in which Trump abused presidential powers, this book explains how the three sets of principles can help mitigate the harms that autocratic leaders in the Trump mold can inflict on both democratic institutions and vulnerable minorities. In doing so, the book urges progressives to follow this rule of thumb in the post-Trump era: if a constitutional principle was worth deploying to resist Trump’s harmful policies and autocratic governance, then it is likely worth defending in the post-Trump era even if it makes the short-term attainment of progressive objectives more difficult. This type of principled constitutionalism is essential not only because being principled is good in and of itself, but also because being principled in matters related to federalism, separation of powers, and free speech will help both advance progressive causes over the long run and reduce the threats posed by future autocratic leaders in the Trump mold to our system of self-governance, to our democratic values, and to traditionally subordinated minorities. Going forward, progressives should promote and defend constitutional principles grounded in federalism, separation of powers, and free speech regardless of whether they have an ally or an opponent in the White House.

Closer to the state, closer to the polls? The different impact of corruption on turnout among public employees and other citizens

2018 ◽  
Vol 40 (5) ◽  
pp. 659-675 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sabina Haveric ◽  
Stefano Ronchi ◽  
Laura Cabeza
Keyword(s):  
Survey Data ◽  
Negative Relationship ◽  
The Political ◽  
World Values Survey ◽  
Public Employees ◽  
Relevant Question ◽  
Employment Sector ◽  
Negative Effect ◽  
The Government ◽  
Political Success

Research on the link between turnout and corruption has produced inconclusive evidence: while some studies find corruption to be positively related to turnout, others report a negative relationship. This article argues that the relevant question is not whether corruption has a positive or negative effect on turnout, but for whom. We hypothesize that the effect of corruption on the likelihood to vote depends on individuals’ employment sector. Public employees have different incentives to vote in corrupt settings since their jobs often depend on the political success of the government of the day. Hence, while corruption dampens turnout among ordinary citizens, public employees are more likely to vote in highly corrupt countries. Analysis of World Values Survey data from 44 countries, shows that the differential in voting propensity between public employees and other citizens gets larger as corruption increases, partially confirming our expectations.

Values and Corruption

2016 ◽  
Vol 48 (2) ◽  
pp. 225-242 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maria Kravtsova ◽  
Aleksey Oshchepkov ◽  
Christian Welzel
Keyword(s):  
Survey Data ◽  
Ecological Effect ◽  
Sociocultural Factors ◽  
Complex Nature ◽  
World Values Survey ◽  
Culturally Specific ◽  
Negative Attitudes ◽  
The World ◽  
Moral Attitudes ◽  
The Relationship

Using World Values Survey data from several dozen countries around the world, this article analyzes the relationship between postmaterialist values and bribery (dis)approval in a multilevel framework. We find that people, who place stronger emphasis on postmaterialist values, tend to justify bribery more. However, the “ecological” effect of postmaterialism operates in the exactly opposite direction: A higher prevalence of postmaterialist values induces more bribery disapproval, and especially among postmaterialists themselves. In our view, this happens because the large number of people who internalized postmaterialist values generate positive social externalities which strengthen negative attitudes toward corruption. We outline a theoretical framework that explains why and how these externalities may emerge. Our results contribute to the literature on the sociocultural factors of corruption, provide a better understanding of the complex nature of postmaterialism, and also might be interesting in the light of ongoing discussions on whether moral attitudes are culturally universal or culturally specific.

The People and the Constitution

2018 ◽  
pp. 46-74
Author(s):  
Roman David ◽  
Ian Holliday
Keyword(s):  
Survey Data ◽  
Liberal Democracy ◽  
Majority Rule ◽  
Political Change ◽  
Separation Of Powers ◽  
Survey Experiment ◽  
Military Rule ◽  
The Public ◽  
The People ◽  
Constitutional System

Myanmar’s transition is taking place within a constitutional setting devised by the preceding junta and reflecting a military reading of rule by the people, termed discipline-flourishing democracy. This chapter examines the extent to which the country’s constitutional system is an obstacle to greater democratization, the degree to which its institutions are viewed by the public as legitimate, and the intensity with which the public demands deeper political change. First, it traces the roots of constitutionalism in Myanmar. Second, it evaluates fundamental aspects of the current constitution, focusing on provisions for majority rule and a separation of powers. Third, it draws on survey data to investigate popular assessments of the transitional political system and aspirations for democracy. Fourth, it assesses prescribed methods for forming the legislature, and uses a survey experiment to isolate popular preferences for generating an assembly fitting standards of liberal democracy, hybridity, and military rule. Finally, it turns to the executive and explores perceptions of constitutional restrictions imposed on the presidency.

Right populist parties and support for strong leaders

2020 ◽  
pp. 135406882092085
Author(s):  
Todd Donovan
Keyword(s):  
Comparative Study ◽  
Survey Data ◽  
Liberal Democracy ◽  
Electoral Systems ◽  
Radical Right ◽  
World Values Survey

This article tests if radical right populist (RRP) parties draw support from voters with non-mainstream, illiberal attitudes. This follows from assumptions that these parties have rhetorical, stylistic and practical critiques of liberal democracy that appeal to people with politically authoritarian attitudes. I use Module 5 Comparative Study of Electoral Systems data and Wave 7 World Values Survey data to test how authoritarian attitudes, in particular, approval of strong, unchecked leaders, may be associated with support for RRP parties. Of 12 unique cases where RRP parties received at least 5% support in a recent election, in most cases preferences for strong, unchecked leaders differentiated RRP party supporters from supporters of other parties generally, and from supporters of centre-right parties. In some cases, negative views of democracy, and acceptance of army rule, also characterized RRP supporters. Most cases have evidence consistent with the hypotheses, with the strongest evidence from supporters of Austria’s FPÖ and Germany’s AfD.

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