scholarly journals Writing the Political History of the Republic of Slovenia

2016 ◽  
Vol 56 (3) ◽  
pp. 22-41
Author(s):  
Jure Gašparič

The author focuses on the issue of researching and writing the political history of the Republic of Slovenia after its independence in 1991. After his introductory assessment that ever since the beginning people have not trusted politicians and political parties, he focuses on the question of how people have acted throughout this time, how the political institutions have been developing, and how they have been adapting to the world and the times which have changed radically in the last twenty five years. First the author presents numerous dilemmas and methodological peculiarities of the issue at hand (the problem of historical distance, the sensibility of the activity, the uncontrollable and specific sources), and then he proceeds to describe the possible approaches and methods of meeting this challenge. In the second part of the contribution the author sums up the findings resulting from his own research of this period (about the polarisation, personalisation, medialisation and informalisation of politics), placing them into the wider European context. Furthermore, he also outlines the challenges for future research.

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rizka Wahyu Nurmalaningrum

Often the link between politics, economics and history escapes our attention so far. Much of the history of Indonesian development even the political history of the Indonesian nation itself has been forgotten by this millennial era society. They prefer mobile phones rather than books. Prefer cellphones from history. Even though history is important. The successors of the nation in the millennial era are more concerned with social media than knowing the origin of a country. Many do not understand the history of someone who can become president. There are various theories about history, such as Aristotelian theory, and the theory of plateau. Arisstoteles can be made a reference for learning for the ideals of the State with a fair and calm manner. The discussion with this theme takes the example of the fall of Soeharto as President of the Republic of Indonesia.


2014 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 41-57
Author(s):  
Pavol Baboš

Abstract Trust in political institutions is an important issue in contemporary democracies, as it contributes to democratic regimes’ legitimacy and sustainability. This paper investigates what effects corruption, political allegiance, and the post-communist history of a country have on political trust. Political trust is measured as trust towards parliament, political parties, and politicians. Both individual-and country-level factors are included in the analytical model in order to account for the personal and contextual characteristics that might shape political trust. This research employs the multilevel modelling for empirical analysis. The results show that the winner effect and corruption perception impact are relatively strongly affecting political trust. Surprisingly, the post-communist history of a country seems to play no significant role in driving political trust. The concluding part links the findings of this study back to the theory and draws several implications not only for the future research but also the real world of policies and politics.


Author(s):  
Angela Alonso

The Second Reign (1840–1889), the monarchic times under the rule of D. Pedro II, had two political parties. The Conservative Party was the cornerstone of the regime, defending political and social institutions, including slavery. The Liberal Party, the weaker player, adopted a reformist agenda, placing slavery in debate in 1864. Although the Liberal Party had the majority in the House, the Conservative Party achieved the government, in 1868, and dropped the slavery discussion apart from the parliamentary agenda. The Liberals protested in the public space against the coup d’état, and one of its factions joined political outsiders, which gave birth to a Republic Party in 1870. In 1871, the Conservative Party also split, when its moderate faction passed a Free Womb bill. In the 1880s, the Liberal and Conservative Parties attacked each other and fought their inner battles, mostly around the abolition of slavery. Meanwhile, the Republican Party grew, gathering the new generation of modernizing social groups without voices in the political institutions. This politically marginalized young men joined the public debate in the 1870s organizing a reformist movement. They fought the core of Empire tradition (a set of legitimizing ideas and political institutions) by appropriating two main foreign intellectual schemes. One was the French “scientific politics,” which helped them to built a diagnosis of Brazil as a “backward country in the March of Civilization,” a sentence repeated in many books and articles. The other was the Portuguese thesis of colonial decadence that helped the reformist movement to announce a coming crisis of the Brazilian colonial legacy—slavery, monarchy, latifundia. Reformism contested the status quo institutions, values, and practices, while conceiving a civilized future for the nation as based on secularization, free labor, and inclusive political institutions. However, it avoided theories of revolution. It was a modernizing, albeit not a democrat, movement. Reformism was an umbrella movement, under which two other movements, the Abolitionist and the Republican ones, lived mostly together. The unity split just after the shared issue of the abolition of slavery became law in 1888, following two decades of public mobilization. Then, most of the reformists joined the Republican Party. In 1888 and 1889, street mobilization was intense and the political system failed to respond. Monarchy neither solved the political representation claims, nor attended to the claims for modernization. Unsatisfied with abolition format, most of the abolitionists (the law excluded rights for former slaves) and pro-slavery politicians (there was no compensation) joined the Republican Party. Even politicians loyal to the monarchy divided around the dynastic succession. Hence, the civil–military coup that put an end to the Empire on November 15, 1889, did not come as a surprise. The Republican Party and most of the reformist movement members joined the army, and many of the Empire politician leaders endorsed the Republic without resistance. A new political–intellectual alignment then emerged. While the republicans preserved the frame “Empire = decadence/Republic = progress,” monarchists inverted it, presenting the Empire as an era of civilization and the Republic as the rule of barbarians. Monarchists lost the political battle; nevertheless, they won the symbolic war, their narrative dominated the historiography for decades, and it is still the most common view shared among Brazilians.


1999 ◽  
Vol 40 (1) ◽  
pp. 31-55 ◽  
Author(s):  
Barbara A. Misztal

By looking at the history of the Polish lustration — the policy of checking the past of candidates for important positions — this article argues that although the lustration law has been finally passed at the end of 1998, Poland's dealing with the past is still full of unresolved and deeply ambivalent problems due to the nature of its postcommunist transition and the nature of the newly constructed political institutions. These conditions were shaped by the relative strength of the Polish anti-communist opposition, which credibility within the society permitted it to accept a compromise with the old regime. The undetermined character of many of Poland's political institutions have accelerated the use of the issue of retrospective justice in the partisan politics, which in turn has limited the opportunity for consensual policy, and therefore has reduced societal trust of the political parties, while at the same time increased the demand for the purification of the political system.


1997 ◽  
Vol 47 (2) ◽  
pp. 510-518 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. S. Richardson

The origins and nature of the judicial role of the senate in cases which under the republic were the business of the permanentquaestioneshave been the subject of long debate, and a satisfactory explanation has yet to be found for the change that had undoubtedly taken place by the reign of Tiberius. The discovery and publication of the senatorial decree which concluded the investigation into the charge brought in A.D. 20 against Cn. Piso following the murder of Germanicus,2 in addition to the wealth of new material it provides for the political history of the period and the understanding of the methods of the historian Tacitus, allows an insight into the relation of the senate to thequaestio maiestatiswhich may prove useful in unravelling some of the puzzles which have troubled scholars hitherto.


Author(s):  
Franciel José Ganancini

Resumo: Este artigo aborda uma parte da história política do Brasil, situando o período compreendido entre os governos de Getúlio Vargas, a partir de 1930, e o golpe civil-militar de 1964. O referido período esteve marcado por profundas mudanças econômicas, políticas e culturais, seja no Brasil, seja no restante do mundo. No artigo abordaremos a ascensão de Getúlio Vargas, o seu relacionamento com os militares, bem como o fortalecimento das Forças Armadas e sua atuação na política brasileira do século XX. Palavras-chave: Getúlio Vargas. Forças Armadas. Golpe de 1964. FROM A CIVIL DICTATOR TO MILITARY DICTATORS Abstract: This article discusses some of the political history of Brazil, closing the period between Getulio Vargas’s governments, in 1930, and civil-military coup in 1964. This period was marked by deep economic, political and cultural changes, both in Brazil and in the world. In this article we discuss the rise of Getulio Vargas’s government, his relationship with the military, as well as the strengthening of the armed forces and its role in the twentieth century Brazilian politics. Keywords: Getúlio Vargas. Military Forces. Coup of 1964.


Author(s):  
N. Nikolaiev

Restoration of the chronology of Olbia Pontica IV-I centuries B.C. allowed to significantly refine the dating of a large group of inscriptions. It opens the prospect of revision of socio-political history, in particular, 2nd c. B.C. with a single chronological position. The decree in honor of Nicerat, the son of Papias, dates back to the early Roman times. The decree in honor of Stefan, the son of Alexandros belongs to the times of Mithridates VI Eupator. In the first quarter of 2nd c. B.C. a group of private dedications on granite has been issued. In the second quarter of the century is known inscription of builder walls of Posideos, the son Dionysios, which is interpreted as a measure to strengthen the city's defense from the Skilur. Four dedications of Posideos, the son of Posideos from the Naples of Scythians and one of Olbia dated to the turn of the 3rd-2nd centuries B.C. Accordingly, Posideos was not an advisor of Scilure. Traditional reading of coins legends ΒΣΕ, ΒΑΕΙΡΗ of the end of 3rd – first half of 2nd centuries B.C. as the names of the barbarian kings are only a variant of the interpretation.


Author(s):  
Larysa Shulinova

The article continues the research of interviews with Ukrainian politicians from the point of view of the presence of precedent intertexts and their functions. Intertextuality is one of the means of influencing on the recipient, prompting him actively to perceive the text and decode it. The following groups of precedent phenomena are analyzed: precedent names and precedent statements. It has been determined that precedent names are available in replicas of both communicants and are related to relevant precedent situations, texts and quotations. Among them are well-known for the national memory of history, culture: Taras Shevchenko, Mykhailo Hrushevsky; the names of the world-famous politicians, philosophers and religious figures: Mahatma Gandi, O. Solzhenitsyn, Donald Trump, the Holy Bartholomew etc.; the names of Ukrainian politicians, businessmen and political parties, blocs, associations as means of intertextuality can be precedent in the interview texts for all recipients, for certain politicians (one-party or political opponents), for specific situations, a certain period of political history of the country, etc. The author identifies following groups of precedent statements: quotations (direct and indirect), folklorisms (phraseological phrases, anecdotes etc.), book phraseologisms, language clichés and stamps. It has been found that intertext can become an effective mean of realizing of strategic aim – through the implementation of the illocutionary function, that is, refutation/clarification/change/confirmation of primary knowledge, experience and views of the recipient.


Author(s):  
N. Nikolaiev

Restoration of the chronology of Olbia Pontica IV-I centuries B.C. allowed to significantly refine the dating of a large group of inscriptions. It opens the prospect of revision of socio-political history, in particular, 2nd c. B.C. with a single chronological position. The decree in honor of Nicerat, the son of Papias, dates back to the early Roman times. The decree in honor of Stefan, the son of Alexandros belongs to the times of Mithridates VI Eupator. In the first quarter of 2nd c. B.C. a group of private dedications on granite has been issued. In the second quarter of the century is known inscription of builder walls of Posideos, the son Dionysios, which is interpreted as a measure to strengthen the city's defense from the Skilur. Four dedications of Posideos, the son of Posideos from the Naples of Scythians and one of Olbia dated to the turn of the 3rd-2nd centuries B.C. Accordingly, Posideos was not an advisor of Scilure. Traditional reading of coins legends ΒΣΕ, ΒΑΕΙΡΗ of the end of 3rd – first half of 2nd centuries B.C. as the names of the barbarian kings are only a variant of the interpretation.


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