Social Class and Party Choice in England: A New Analysis

1978 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 257-284 ◽  
Author(s):  
W. L. Miller

It is common knowledge that party support in England is strongly polarized along class lines. But how strongly? And is the degree of class polarization increasing, decreasing, or approximately constant? It is to these questions that this article is devoted.

2013 ◽  
Vol 46 (1) ◽  
pp. 25-38 ◽  
Author(s):  
Oddbjørn Knutsen

This article examines the relationship between social structure and party choice in Hungary on the basis of a survey from 2009 (N = 2980). The following structural variables are examined: ascriptive variables (age and gender), territorial variables (region and urban-rural residence), social class variables (education, social class and household income), sector employment and religious variables (religious denomination, church attendance and self-declared religiosity). The analysis shows that age and territorial variables are the most important sociostructural variables for explaining party support in Hungary. The role of religious and class variables is considerably smaller in this respect. The two largest parties, Fidesz and the Socialist Party, are first and foremost anchored in different generations and in territorial variables although different degrees of religiosity also has significant effect on support for these parties. The impact of the religious variables is, however, low. The class variables have the opposite impact on the two largest parties from what we should expect according to traditional class voting. Fidesz gets strongest support from the working class and the lower educated strata while the Socialist Party gets strongest support from the service class. The two largest parties are foremost social coalitions of very different social groups. The explanatory power of social structure on party choice is low in Hungary. This is also confirmed from comparative studies.


1993 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 273-286 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ronald D. Lambert ◽  
James E. Curtis

AbstractThis article presents tests of effects of social class background on voters' perceptions of most and least favoured federal parties, perceived party differences and subjective class voting. The data were taken from the 1984 Canadian National Election Study. The results show that subjective class voting extended to voters' beliefs about least liked parties. And the greater the perceived differences between voters' preferred parties and their second and third choice parties, the greater the level of class voting. An index which combined respondents' perceptions of the class orientations of most and least liked parties increased the estimate of the level of subjective class voting that takes place. The results suggest that this index provides an improved way of assessing subjective class voting. This index is a useful improvement upon previous measures because it incorporates information on the extent to which voters see Canadian politics as presenting class-based alternatives. This is the conceptual domain of the dependent variable in the literature on subjective class voting, but perceived class-based alternatives are seldom measured directly.


1979 ◽  
Vol 73 (2) ◽  
pp. 442-458 ◽  
Author(s):  
Arend Lijphart

For the purpose of determining the relative influence of the three potentially most important social and demographic factors on party choice–social class, religion, and language–a comparison of Belgium, Canada, South Africa, and Switzerland provides a “crucial experiment,” because these three variables are simultaneously present in all four countries. Building on the major earlier research achievements in comparative electoral behavior, this four-country multivariate analysis compares the indices of voting and the party choice “trees” on the basis of national sample surveys conducted in the 1970s. From this crucial contest among the three determinants of party choice, religion emerges as the victor, language as a strong runner-up, and class as a distant third. The surprising strength of the religious factor can be explained in terms of the “freezing” of past conflict dimensions in the party system and the presence of alternative, regional-federal, structures for the expression of linguistic interests.


Author(s):  
David Denver ◽  
Mark Garnett

This chapter concerns the British general elections of 1964, 1966, and 1970. The first contest ended thirteen years of Conservative government, although Labour secured an overall majority of just four seats. The 1966 election resulted in a comfortable victory for Labour, which was expected to win again in 1970. Instead, the Conservatives confounded the opinion polls and returned to office. In each case relevant developments in the preceding inter-election period are described (including trends in party popularity) and an account of the campaign provided. In addition, the election results themselves—patterns of party support and of turnout—are extensively analysed. The chapter also sets out the contemporary explanation of party choice in Britain offered by the influential work of Butler and Stokes which stressed the primary roles of class and party identification.


2020 ◽  
pp. 1-27
Author(s):  
Yolanda Sadie ◽  
Leila Patel

The outcome of the 2016 local government elections in which the ANC lost substantial support, fuelled early speculation on not only the outcome of the 2019 general elections, but also on the factors which were likely to determine party support. Added to this was the deteriorating political and socio-economic situation in South Africa. Against this background, two national surveys were undertaken in October/November 2017 and October/ November 2018 to establish the factors at these particular times that were likely to influence the vote choice of South Africans. From both surveys it was found that South African voters increasingly base their choice of a party on rational considerations. Trust in the president was a particularly important predictor of voter choice. In the first survey, loss of trust in the president (Zuma) resulted in a loss of faith in the ANC and in support of the party; while in the second survey, the converse was true: an increase in trust in the president (Ramaphosa) reflected an increased trust in and support for the party. Other predictors of vote choice in both surveys include a desire for socio-economic well-being and hope for a better future; the fear of losing a social grant; age; and racialised party images.


1984 ◽  
Vol 14 (4) ◽  
pp. 509-522 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ian McAllister

In much of the comparative literature on social structure and party choice, housing occupies an anomalous position. In Britain, its electoral consequences are undoubted, yet in other advanced industrial societies its impact is negligible. For example, in Britain Butler and Stokes go so far as to suggest that ‘housing has more to do with defining the sub-cultures of social class than all else but occupation itself’. Moreover, recent evidence has indicated that the electoral importance of housing may actually be increasing in Britain, rather than declining along with other traditional class predictors of voting. By contrast, in Australia and the United States, both societies with similarly sized home-owning and rental sectors, housing has never been advanced as a significant determinant of partisan choice.


2009 ◽  
Vol 32 (5) ◽  
pp. 1012-1030 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jocelyn Evans ◽  
Jonathan Tonge
Keyword(s):  

Author(s):  
Karvita B. Ahluwalia ◽  
Nidhi Sharma

It is common knowledge that apparently similar tumors often show different responses to therapy. This experience has generated the idea that histologically similar tumors could have biologically distinct behaviour. The development of effective therapy therefore, has the explicit challenge of understanding biological behaviour of a tumor. The question is which parameters in a tumor could relate to its biological behaviour ? It is now recognised that the development of malignancy requires an alteration in the program of terminal differentiation in addition to aberrant growth control. In this study therefore, ultrastructural markers that relate to defective terminal differentiation and possibly invasive potential of cells have been identified in human oral leukoplakias, erythroleukoplakias and squamous cell carcinomas of the tongue.


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