A Comment on Electoral Forecasting from Poll Data

1980 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 271-271
Author(s):  
N. L. Webb

I heartily approve of research based upon poll data, in which I include specifically the contribution by Paul Whiteley, ‘Electoral Forecasting from Poll Data: The British Case’ (this Journal, IX (1979), 219–36). I note with pleasure the fact that the author has relied heavily upon Gallup data for the testing of his time-series model. There is one specific objection that I have to the detail of the contents of this paper. I refer to the sentence bridging pages 231–2, in which he states: ‘the large inaccuracy of the 1951 forecast is not, in fact, due to the model so much as Gallup data, which were extremely inaccurate in that year’. There is a footnote which states that this was inferred from the residuals of the forecasting model. The error quoted is 8·3 per cent. This does refer to the last pre-campaign poll, admittedly. The last campaign poll, the only one that could be compared with the result itself, shows, according to Gallup records, a deviation of 2·2 per cent. The bland assertion of Mr Whiteley that our results were inaccurate in that year is totally unsupported by any evidence of a practical kind. Instead we have the statement that the fit of the model was rather bad on this occasion. Remembering that public opinion, including support for a specific political party, is known to change radically between elections, between local elections and by-elections, and so on (I confine myself here to actual elections – I do not depend upon poll data to substantiate my case) and knowing that among the causes of this are political events, and events of a social and economic nature which affect the mood and attitude of the electorate, it does not surprise me that a purely mathematical model does not necessarily fit from time to time. Indeed elsewhere in the article the author mentions the possibility of shocks affecting public opinion and the degree to which these shocks are effected in the auto-regressive scheme that he has put forward.

2012 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 57-70
Author(s):  
Xin Janet ◽  
Ka-Chi Lam

This paper builds a house prices forecasting model for private residential houses in HongKong, based on general macroeconomic indicators, housing related data and demographicfactors for the period of 1980 to 2001. A reduce form economic model has been derivedfrom a multiple regression analysis where three sets and eight models were derived foranalysis and comparison. It is found that household income, land supply, population andmovements in the Hang Seng Index play an important role in explaining house pricemovements in Hong Kong. In addition, political events, as identified, cannot be ignored.However, the results of the models are unstable. It is suggested that the OLS may nota best method for house prices model in Hong Kong situation. Alternative methods aresuggested.


2005 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 35-52 ◽  
Author(s):  
Raivo Palmaru

Abstract Although numerous studies over the past 20 years have revealed a clear connection between content analysis statistics and the results of public opinion surveys, the media’s “minimal effects” hypothesis still remains the overwhelmingly prevailing view. Among other things, it is not clear which of the two influences the other: Do people’s political preferences influence the media or do the media influence people’s preferences? In order to test this, the results of the 1999 and 2003 general elections and the 2002 local elections in Estonia, as well as the results of current public opinion surveys, were compared to the coverage given to the campaigning parties in the largest Estonian newspapers. The analysis showed that the coverage of political parties in the print media, as determined by the frequency of valuative notations, described the election results to a great extent. It is noteworthy that a change in media content was followed by a change in public opinion. At the same time, an accumulation effect became obvious: The voters’ preferences for political parties accumulated diachronically during the course of several weeks based on the information that was available to them.


1978 ◽  
Vol 55 (4) ◽  
pp. 732-799 ◽  
Author(s):  
Janice Monti Belkaoui

Content analysis of news magazines and New York Sunday papers shows shifting images of Arabs and Israelis. Poll data show corresponding shifts in Public opinion, toward increasing support for Arabs


2013 ◽  
Vol 52 (1) ◽  
pp. 91-109 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yoonjae Nam ◽  
Yeon-Ok Lee ◽  
Han Woo Park

This article examines the web ecology of the 2010 local elections in South Korea by using social science hyperlink analysis. The online networks of candidates were measured daily during the official campaign period. The results indicate that network dynamics among the candidates for education superintendent changed more rapidly as the campaign progressed than in the case of the mayoral candidates. However, the intensity of online networks for both campaigns was lower than for the country’s last presidential election, in 2007, suggesting that the web ecology of a given election is influenced by the perceived importance of the event and the general popularity of certain candidates. The results also suggest that producing and disseminating information, such as news articles, blog posts and tweets, reflects a more politically conscious action than referring to information via hyperlinks. Furthermore, the article sheds light on the ways in which hyperlink analysis serves as a research method for mining data for web ecology analysis, tracking political events at different points in time and illustrating the general landscape of electoral communication in cyberspace.


1979 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 219-236 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul Whiteley

Forecasting elections has long been regarded by political scientists as an interesting problem in its own right. But it assumes special importance for those countries that do not have fixed election dates. In Britain, for example, it is up to the prime minister to choose the date, within the statutory five year limit. Correct timing can clearly be crucial to the outcome, and the prime minister can be expected to go to considerable lengths to ensure that the election is called for the date most favourable to his party. But there lies the prime minister's problem: elections must be called three to four weeks before polling day. With what degree of accuracy can the result be forecast at the time the election is called?A small but interesting literature on election forecasting has emerged in recent years. The forecasting techniques used in this literature vary widely, from crude extrapolation to sophisticated model building. Up to now the emphasis has been on election night forecasting, in which the basic problem involves extracting the maximum amount of information from electoral returns, in order to forecast the outcome a few hours before it is finally known. For obvious reasons the techniques utilized in this context are of little use prior to election day.


2017 ◽  
Vol 20 (3) ◽  
pp. 221 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rasyid Thaha ◽  
Haryanto Haryanto

Researchers in many countries consider that independent candidates affect the quality of elections wherein independent candidates can enhance the consolidation of democracy within the context of political openness, bring about more competitive elections, and become an established pathway for alternative leadership figures. In Indonesia, these conclusions need to be further explored with the implementation of provisions regarding independent candidates in local elections. Therefore, the main objective of this research is to illustrate the political events involving each individual candidate based on questions of individual actions. The main questions relate to why candidates choose the path of an independent, what capital they have, why are independent candidates more influential than others, and what are the consequences of their presence for democracy in Indonesia. This paper concludes that the independent track is merely one of the means available, in addition to the party, in pursuing political office in local elections. There is no apparent footing relating to what independent candidates stand for. Moreover, there is yet to be an independent candidate who is truly a social activist wanting to promote alternative issues, a representative of interest groups, or a representative of classes in the local community. Independent candidates are a part of a Schumpeterian procedural logic which is merely for political elite circulation. To put it simply, there is nothing new and rejuvenating in the practices of local democracy in Indonesia.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Miguel M. Pereira

To be responsive, politicians have to rely on beliefs about public will. Previous research suggests that perceptions of public opinion are often distorted. However, it remains unclear (1) why reelection-seeking officials misperceive constituency preferences, and (2) how to mitigate these distorted beliefs. I argue that misperceptions result in part from unequal exposure to different subconstituencies, and a tendency of legislators to project their own preferences on voters. A six-wave panel of Swedish MPs combined with mass surveys provides support for these arguments. Elite beliefs disproportionately reflect the preferences of more privileged subconstituencies and the personal positions of legislators. Additionally, an experiment with Swiss representatives leveraging real political events reveals how misperceptions can be reduced by encouraging a more balanced exposure to voters. The study concludes that economic and political inequalities are rooted in elite beliefs about constituency preferences and reveals ways to bolster the links between voters and their representatives.


2019 ◽  
Vol 22 (4) ◽  
pp. 91-99
Author(s):  
К. М. Котеленець ◽  
І. І. Боровенська

The article deals with the public life of the occupied territory of the Lugansk region in printed mass media. This methodology of research, painted methods and methodology of the research of printed mass media, a sample is drawn up. The article presents some results of the content analysis of newspapers that were printed during the year in three settlements of the so-called Luhansk People’s Republic, namely Lugansk, Stakhanov (Kadyivka) and Antratsyt. The papers of selected newspapers reflecting social processes in the occupied territory of the Luhansk region have been analyzed. It is the media that makes it possible to conclude that newspapers have an information content direction that the information they provide most often has a household or an economic nature, and that focus is on situational events. It is proved that a lot of publications are paid to the political life of the so-called Luhansk People’s Republic. However, it has been found that the number of publications about Ukrainian or Russian authorities is almost the same. It was also discovered that, although there are newspapers and negative articles about Ukraine, it is still more often covered in a neutral context. As for publications on international political events, there are very few such publications, which suggests preserving political thought within the two countries and directly by the LNR. After analyzing publications in the print media of the so-called Luhansk People’s Republic, the authors concluded that the political life of the occupied territory is most frequently covered. An interesting fact was the number of publications about Ukrainian or Russian authorities. They do not have much discrepancy. It was also discovered that, although there are newspapers and negative articles about Ukraine, it is still more often covered in a neutral context.


Author(s):  
Olha Harmatiy ◽  

For many Ukrainians, the “window” into the world of news is television, especially television news. Having studied the news programs of all-Ukrainian channels, it can be noted that despite broadcasting local elections facts on all TV channels, they did not get such great media interest as the presidential or parliamentary ones, which may indicate little attention of central media to local politics. With the increased public interest in sociology during the election period, the proper dissemination of sociological information is important. It is important for people to learn from the media about reliable rankings accompanied with mandatory methodological information. The study proves the most problematic in the coverage of polling was the publication of information about customers in the media. Survey results manipulation also occurred through using research from dubious and pseudo-sociological institutions and ignoring information from well-known and authoritative organizations. Such non-compliance with the standards of releasing public opinion polls violates the requirements of the Electoral Code and causes the neglect of citizens’ rights to full and objective information about the elections. The conclusion can be made that television, as a popular channel for obtaining information among Ukrainians, did not give the audience full access to the results of sociological research on local elections. The paper offers some solutions to the situation, for instance, increasing the responsibility of the media for disseminating incomplete and unreliable survey results. It is also significant that sociological services provide comprehensive information about their research. If sociological companies are open and provide full reports, the media will have more opportunities to release complete information about the polls to the public. In addition, enhancing general media literacy, the ability to interpret survey results and define their accuracy and reliability will contribute to the citizens’ resistance to sociological data manipulation in the media.


Author(s):  
Gillian Bolsover

Computational propaganda is a growing concern in Western democracies, with evidence of online opinion manipulation orchestrated by robots, fake accounts, and misinformation in many recent political events. China, the country with the most sophisticated regime of Internet censorship and control in the world, presents an interesting and under-studied example of how computational propaganda is used. This chapter summarizes the landscape of current knowledge in relation to public opinion manipulation in China. It addressees the questions of whether and how computational propaganda is being used in and about China, whose interests are furthered by this computational propaganda; and what is the effect of this computational propaganda on the landscape of online information in and about China. It also addresses the issue of how the case of computational propaganda in China can inform the current efforts of Western democracies to tackle fake news, online bots, and computational propaganda. This chapter presents four case studies of computational propaganda in and about China: the Great Firewall and the Golden Shield project; positive propaganda on Twitter aimed at foreign audiences; the anti–Chinese state bots on Twitter; and domestic public opinion manipulation on Weibo. Surprisingly, I find that there is little evidence of automation on Weibo and little evidence of automation associated with state interests on Twitter. However, I find that issues associated with anti-state perspectives, such as the pro-democracy movement, contain a large amount of automation, dominating Chinese-language information in certain hashtags associated with China and Chinese politics on Twitter.


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