scholarly journals Immigrant Political Representation and Local Ethnic Concentration: Evidence from a Swedish Refugee Placement Program

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-16
Author(s):  
Karl-Oskar Lindgren ◽  
Michael D. Nicholson ◽  
Sven Oskarsson
Keyword(s):  
Ethnic Minorities ◽  
Political Representation ◽  
Local Context ◽  
High Concentration ◽  
Ethnic Density ◽  
Ethnic Concentration ◽  
Integration Policies ◽  
Political Office ◽  
Local Integration ◽  
Placement Policies

Abstract This study leverages population registry data from Sweden to examine whether immigrants who live in areas with a high concentration of ethnic minorities are more or less likely to be nominated for political office. It exploits a refugee placement program in place in Sweden during the late 1980s and early 1990s that restricted refugees' opportunities to freely choose their place of residence. The article presents evidence that immigrants who live in areas with a high ethnic density are less likely to be nominated for political office. The findings have important implications for local integration policies as well as refugee placement policies, as many countries consider local context when resettling refugees.

The Mismanaged Integration of Ethnic Minorities in Bulgaria

2020 ◽  
Vol 44 (2) ◽  
pp. 303-327
Author(s):  
Petar Cholakov
Keyword(s):  
Ethnic Minorities ◽  
Political System ◽  
State Policies ◽  
Government Policies ◽  
Political Will ◽  
Integration Policies

This article delves into the intricate, and often inconsistent, worlds of Bulgarian government policies towards ethnic minorities, in particular towards the Roma, after 1989. The author begins with an overview of the ‘ethnic model’ embedded at present in the country’s political system. Then he discusses the integration policies of Bulgarian governments after the fall of communism. His conclusion is that the lack of political will of the ruling parties represents the biggest obstacle to the integration of minorities. Anti-discrimination legislation is plagued by inconsistencies and problems related to its implementation. Despite some moderate progress, state policies continue to lack vision, direction and effective monitoring mechanisms. The representatives of minorities are still, for the most part, ignored in the process of tailoring and implementation of programmes.

Women in the Legislatures and Executives of the World: Knocking at the Highest Glass Ceiling

1999 ◽  
Vol 51 (4) ◽  
pp. 547-572 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrew Reynolds
Keyword(s):  
Multivariate Regression ◽  
Regression Models ◽  
Socioeconomic Development ◽  
Party System ◽  
Political Representation ◽  
Parliamentary System ◽  
Dependent Variables ◽  
The World ◽  
Political Office ◽  
Women In Parliament

This article reports the results of a survey of women in legislatures and executives around the world as they were constituted in 1998 (N = 180). The chief hypotheses regarding the factors hindering or facilitating women's access to political representation were tested by multivariate regression models. The regression models juxtaposed a cocktail of institutional, political, cultural, and socioeconomic variables with the following dependent variables: (1) the percentage of MPs who are women and (2) the percentage of cabinet ministers who are women.A number, although not all, of the cited hypotheses were statistically confirmed and more finely quantified. The socioeconomic development of women in society has an effect on the number of women in parliament but not in the cabinet. A country's length of experience with multipartyism and women's enfranchisement correlates with both the legislative and the executive percentage. Certain electoral systems are more women friendly than others. The ideological nature of the party system affects the number of women elected and chosen for cabinet posts. And last, the state's dominant religion, taken as a proxy for culture, also statistically relates to the number of women who will make it to high political office. However, other long-held hypotheses were not proved. The degree of democracy is not a good indicator of the percentage of women who will make it into the legislature or the cabinet, nor is the dichotomy between a presidential or parliamentary system.

It Takes a State: A Policy Feedback Model of Women's Political Representation

2010 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 69-91 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eileen McDonagh
Keyword(s):  
House Of Representatives ◽  
Political Representation ◽  
The United States ◽  
Policy Feedback ◽  
Equal Rights ◽  
Representation Of Women ◽  
Feedback Model ◽  
The Us ◽  
Political Office ◽  
The Public Sphere

American women attain more professional success in medicine, business, and higher education than do most of their counterparts around the world. An enduring puzzle is, therefore, why the US lags so far behind other countries when it comes to women's political representation. In 2008, women held only 16.8 percent of seats in the House of Representatives, a proportion that ranks America lower than 83 other countries. This article addresses this conundrum. It establishes that equal rights alone are insufficient to ensure equal access to political office. Also necessary are public policies representing maternal traits that voters associate with women. Such policies have feedback effects that teach voters that the maternal traits attributed to women represent strengths not only in the private sphere of the home but also in the public sphere of the state. Most other democracies now have such policies in place, but the United States lacks such policies, which accounts for its laggard status with regard to the political representation of women.

It Takes a Candidate: Why Women Don't Run for Office

2006 ◽  
Vol 39 (4) ◽  
pp. 953-954
Author(s):  
Linda Trimble
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
Gender Gap ◽  
Political Representation ◽  
The United States ◽  
Professional Women ◽  
Highly Qualified ◽  
Work Skills ◽  
Comprehensive Survey ◽  
Political Office ◽  
The Right

It Takes a Candidate: Why Women Don't Run for Office, Jennifer L. Lawless, Richard L. Fox, New York: Cambridge University Press, 2005, pp. 203.It Takes a Candidate explains why professional women aren't running for political office in sufficient numbers to narrow the persistent gender gap in political representation in the United States. By means of a comprehensive survey of men and women in the political “pipeline professions,” the authors discovered that women remain less politically ambitious than men. Even highly qualified women tend not to envision political careers or to believe they have the right stuff for politics. Remarkably, women who do decide to run for office often doubt their credentials. In contrast, men with similar qualifications have little difficulty imagining holding even the highest political positions, as they accept their life and work skills as unique training for elected public service.

Assessing ‘Institutional Thickness’ in the Local Context: A Comparison of Cardiff and Sheffield

1998 ◽  
Vol 30 (6) ◽  
pp. 975-996 ◽  
Author(s):  
M Raco
Keyword(s):  
Social Economic ◽  
Political Representation ◽  
Local Level ◽  
Local Context ◽  
Local Networks ◽  
Economic Relations ◽  
Nation States ◽  
Political Relations ◽  
Economic Forces ◽  
Institutional Relations

Urban managers have been faced by growing problems in recent decades. Social and economic inequalities within cities have steadily grown, whereas shifting global economic relations have led to the polarisation of more and less successful local (urban) economies. At the same time many nation-states, such as Britain, have opted for greater deregulation and a resurgence of neoliberal strategies of governance, which have had the effect of disempowering local communities and managers just at the time when they would appear to be most vulnerable to the forces of change. In this context a range of authors have argued that the way forward for city authorities is through developing an institutionally based set of local networks and alliances in which a range of interests are represented politically and through which wider global economic forces can be better ‘held down’ at the local level. This ‘institutional thickness’ varies from city to city and this paper, in comparing Cardiff and Sheffield as two case studies, addresses the ways in which institutional relations have developed in those cities and the degree to which they represent effective forms of inclusive local political mobilisation and wider economic leverage. I argue that processes of ‘institutional thickness’ in cities does not necessarily create inclusive forms of local political representation and that institutional presence and interaction and the local policymaking processes they are part of, may in fact reinforce existing local social, economic, and political relations and divisions rather than leading to the encouragement of local corporatist relations.

scholarly journals Structural Barriers to Health-provider Training Programmes for Ethnic Minorities: The Case of the Katu and Diabetes Management in Vietnam

2020 ◽  
pp. 30-42
Author(s):  
Caroline Bec ◽  
Geoff J. Wells ◽  
Joshua J. Solomon
Keyword(s):  
Public Health ◽  
Ethnic Minorities ◽  
Diabetes Management ◽  
Medical Training ◽  
Qualitative Case Study ◽  
Contextual Factors ◽  
Minority Group ◽  
World Health ◽  
Local Context

Background: Training of primary care practitioners is one of the most implemented interventions in medical international development programmes targeting non-communicable diseases (NCD). Yet in many cases their effectiveness is below expectations. One potential cause of this is that they struggle to account for local context, especially when working with ethnic minorities. Here we begin to address this gap through a qualitative case-study of how local contextual factors have impacted the success of a World Health Organization (WHO) healthcare training programme on Type 2 diabetes with an ethnic minority group in rural central Vietnam. Design: A qualitative case-study collected data during 2018. We conducted 25 semi-structured interviews, two focus groups, and participant observation with patients, healthcare professionals, and members of a local non-governmental organisation involved in the programme. We used thematic coding to identify important contextual factors and how they helped or hindered programme delivery. Next, we synthesised each of these themes in a narrative style, drawing on the rich detail provided by respondents. Results: We found that, despite using a notionally decentralised approach, the effectiveness of the training was hindered by social, political, and economic determinants of health which influenced the inhabitants’ relations to healthcare and diabetes. Particular barriers were the political perceptions of minorities, their economic access to services, the healthcare prejudices toward ethnic rural populations and the rigidity of medical training. Conclusions: Given the similarity of our case with other WHO NCD programmes, we view that our findings are of wider relevance to global public health policy and practice. We suggest that better recognising and addressing local contextual factors would make such programmes more polyvocal, grounded, and resilient, as well as enabling them to better support long-term transformative change in public health systems. We conclude by discussing methods for implementing this in practice.

scholarly journals ETHNIC NPOs AS AN ORGANIZATIONAL FORM OF SOCIAL AND POLITICAL ACTIVITY OF MINORITIES IN CONTEMPORARY RUSSIA

2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 322-334
Author(s):  
N.V. Borisova ◽  
E.Yu. Minaeva ◽  
P.V. Panov ◽  
K.A. Sulimov
Keyword(s):  
Ethnic Minorities ◽  
Political Representation ◽  
Local Level ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
Ethnic Parties ◽  
Governmental Organizations ◽  
Non Governmental Organizations ◽  
Institutional Infrastructure ◽  
Depth Study ◽  
Ethnic Policy

Ethnic parties are conventionally considered as the main form of politicization of ethnicity, but in those countries where they are absent, the social and political activity of ethnic minorities is manifested in the form of non-governmental organizations - “ethnic NPOs”. In contemporary Russia, both the main areas of activity of ethnic NPOs and the normative and institutional infrastructure of their interaction with the authorities are strongly unified by the framework of the state ethnic policy. However, an in-depth study of several cases (the sample from municipal units of Ulyanovsk and Penza regions) allows us to conclude that the most important interactions on issues, which are significant for both NPOs and the authorities, are most often carried out outside the framework of the normative and institutional infrastructure, through other channels. As a result, actual interactions vary considerably. An important factor is the resource potential of the ethnic NPO, the share of an ethnic minority in the population, as well as the presence of a strong leader. In some cases, the format of localization of an ethnic group is of key importance: if a minority lives apart from others, the resource weakness of an NPO is compensated by the concentration of resources, and sometimes by the practice of combining statuses, when the leader of an ethnic NPO occupies an important political and administrative position at the local level. In other cases, human resources come to the fore. In general, it can be argued that ethnic NPOs to some extent compensate for the absence of ethnic parties. They do not demonstrate their own political ambitions, but they are able to promote the interests of ethnic minorities using the available channels and mechanisms of political representation.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document