The United States and the Global Economy: From Bretton Woods to the Current Crisis. ByFrederick S. Weaver. Lanham, Md.: Rowman & Littlefield, 2011. xi + 175 pp. Tables, bibliography, notes, index. Cloth, $29.95. ISBN: 978-1-4422-0889-6.

2014 ◽  
Vol 88 (2) ◽  
pp. 436-437
Author(s):  
Mike French
2009 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 1-23 ◽  
Author(s):  
Heribert Dieter

Although the global economy has flourished in the current global economic governance regime, the foundations of this order are starting to crumble. Both in trade and in finance, the existing institutions are under severe stress. In trade, more and more countries undermine the WTO by implementing preferential trade agreements. In finance, the IMF has been weak for most of this decade, although it experienced a revival in the current crisis. First and foremost, this weakness of the institutions of global economic governance is the result of policies implemented by the transatlantic powers. Both the European Union and the United States are actively pursuing policies that weaken the existing institutions. In trade, there is a large gap between the official rhetoric, which highlights the importance of the multilateral regime, and the trade policy practice, which is weakening the WTO. In finance, the transatlantic powers have until very recently blocked any progress in the IMF with regard to lending policies. In addition, the EU continues to defend its unjustified overrepresentation in the IMF's governance structures. The article suggests that one of the key explanations for this development is the weak support for globalization in most OECD-countries. Confronted with no enthusiasm for globalization in their domestic constituencies, policy makers in Europe and the United States are increasingly opting for policies that will, over time, erode the existing regimes of global economic governance.


2016 ◽  
pp. 26-46
Author(s):  
Marcin Jan Flotyński

The global financial crisis in 2007–2009 began a period of high volatility on the financial markets. Specifically, it caused an increased amplitude of fluctuations of the level of gross domestic products, the level of investment and consumption and exchange rates in particular countries. To address the adverse market circumstances, governments and central banks took actions in order to bolster the weakening global economy. The aim of this article is to present the anti-crisis actions in the United States and selected member states of the European Union, including Poland, and an assessment of their efficiency. The analysis conducted indicates that generally the actions taken in the United States in response to the crisis were faster and more adequate to the existing circumstances than in the European Union.


2018 ◽  
Vol 74 (4) ◽  
pp. 402-419
Author(s):  
Krishnakumar S.

With Donald Trump as President of United States, multilateralism in the world economy is facing an unprecedented challenge. The international economic institutions that have evolved since the fifties are increasingly under the risk of being undermined. With the growing assertion of the emerging and developing economies in the international fora, United States is increasingly sceptical of its ability to maneuvre such institutions to suit its own purpose. This is particularly true with respect to WTO, based on “one country one vote” system. The tariff rate hikes initiated by the leader country in the recent past pose a serious challenge to the multilateral trading system. The paper tries to undertake a critical overview of the US pre-occupation of targeting economies on the basis of the bilateral merchandise trade surpluses of countries, through the trade legislations like Omnibus Act and Trade Facilitation Act. These legislations not only ignore the growing share of the United States in the growing invisibles trade in the world economy, but also read too much into the bilateral trade surpluses of economies with United States and the intervention done by them in the foreign exchange market.


2020 ◽  
Vol 28 (3) ◽  
pp. 536-546
Author(s):  
Marina S. Reshetnikova

The rapid acceleration of scientific and technological progress, which started at the beginning of the 21st century, has become a decisive factor in influencing the global economy. Who will lead the global innovation race? This problem is especially relevant in the field of artificial intelligence (AI). At the moment, the United States and China are the main participants in the battle for dominance in this area. The author assesses Chinas innovative potential in the field of AI and identifies its achievements in this area. Based on the statistics provided, Chinas AI leadership has reached a critical point. China is confidently leading the new fundamental research of artificial intelligence, forming its theoretical base and applied research and development, which will contribute to the creation of new high-tech innovative products and services. However, in terms of the number and quality of AI specialists (AI Talents) and the number of companies engaged in AI, China is still lagging behind its main rival, namely the United States. The author proved that, despite the obvious successes of China, the United States still has an equal lead in the global innovation race.


2020 ◽  
Vol 39 (6) ◽  
pp. 8831-8838
Author(s):  
Bin Wang ◽  
Qingyuan Zhou

The global economy appears the trend of anti-globalization under the influence of COVID-19. Based on the input-output table of lead database from 2006 to 2020, this paper divides the factors that affect the development of financial industry in China, the United States and Russia into six aspects: price, intermediate input, household consumption, government consumption, export and import. ADGA-BP neural network model is proposed in this paper, which is based on six aspects of price, intermediate input, consumer, government consumption, export and import. The intermediate input is decomposed from the perspective of industrial structure to study the interrelationship between financial industry and other industries in the three countries. The results show that the intermediate input is the main factor in the development of financial industry in the three countries, but the source industries of the intermediate input are not the same; the two factors of household consumption and price are closely related to the development of financial industry in the three countries, and they all play a role in promoting China, while the relationship between household consumption and the United States and between price and Russia is reverse; Government consumption only has a significant impact on Russia; from the perspective of mutual influence, the mutual investment between the financial industry of China and the United States is relatively large, while the relationship between the Russian financial industry and the two countries is relatively weak. It shows that under the background of covid-19, the development of financial industry is affected.


Author(s):  
I. Danilin

The “technological war” between the United States and China that started in 2017–2018 raises a number of questions about the future role of technological development as a factor in relations between superpowers. Analysis shows that for the United States this conflict is caused by changing balance of risks and benefits of the liberal model of globalization due to the rise of China`s power and growing geopolitical tensions between the two nations. In this context, emerging, especially digital, technologies appear to be a new battlefield between superpowers. Within the realist framework, actors consider emerging technologies as a key factor for strengthening their global postures. This, among other things, contributes to securitized technological agenda and strengthens its geopolitical dimension. Neo-technonationalism has become the platform that integrates different processes and goals into new U.S. policy. Although historically neo-technonationalism took its roots in Asia, the evolving market situation prompted the United States to rethink existing approaches and to upgrade the techno-nationalist dimension of its policy. Considering similar policies of China and the EU (i. e. the European digital sovereignty policy), this trend shapes new realities of technological “blocs”, the struggle for expansion of technological platforms, and technological conflicts. Taking into account prospective development needs of the global economy and future specification of mutual interest areas, as new digital technologies mature, the ground for normalizing the dialogue between the superpowers will emerge. However, at least in the U.S.–China case, this issue will be complicated by geopolitical contradictions that leave little room for any serious compromise.


Author(s):  
Ruben Gonzalez-Vicente

Politics in the Andes in the post–Cold War era are not at the mercy of “inter-national” dynamics but are mostly affected by global economic trends. While the United States and China have somewhat distinct approaches—in part determined by their own positions in the global economy—they both deepen the entrance of global markets in the region. Economic competition within a U.S.- and China-centric business-led globalization poses important challenges for industrialization and socially and environmentally sustainable development in the Andes. The four countries here analyzed (Chile, Peru, Ecuador, and Colombia) are thus in a curious position. Their civil societies are as vibrant as ever, and their national politics more immune to foreign intervention, yet they increasingly face similar economic and environmental pressures through their investment, trade, and finance links with the world’s two largest economies.


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