Executive Styles in Canada: Cabinet Structures and Leadership Practices in Canadian Government

2006 ◽  
Vol 39 (1) ◽  
pp. 183-184
Author(s):  
Geoff Martin
Keyword(s):  
Federal Government ◽  
Leadership Practices ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
House Of Commons ◽  
Institute Of Public Administration ◽  
Canadian Government ◽  
University Of Toronto ◽  
Minority Government ◽  
Canadian Provinces ◽  
Provincial Politics

Executive Styles in Canada: Cabinet Structures and Leadership Practices in Canadian Government, Luc Bernier, Keith Brownsey and Michael Howlett, eds., Toronto: University of Toronto Press, for The Institute of Public Administration of Canada, 2005, pp. xiii, 282.Executive Styles in Canada is a welcome addition to the literature on Canadian political leadership and provincial politics, essentially raising the question of the power of the premier, central agencies, and executive council in each of the Canadian provinces. To this end the editors have organized the book in 13 chapters. The book begins with a survey of the whole debate over “court government” raised by Donald Savoie, and the development model of Canadian cabinets advanced by Stefan Dupré and Christopher Dunn. The second chapter is given over to Savoie to make his case with respect to the federal government. His argument, by now familiar, is that by the 1990s the real power in the federal government is in the hands of the “prime minister and a small group of carefully selected courtiers” (17). Executive dominance of the legislature in the Westminster model has given way to even greater centralization. Power flows not from ministers, but from the prime minister. While Savoie does not address the seeming anomaly of the Paul Martin minority government of 2004–05, in which the House of Commons and even the opposition parties suddenly became relevant again, one gets the sense that he would argue that this is a temporary development rather than a more durable departure from the direction of the last 30 years.

The Politics of Public Management: The HRDC Audit of Grants and Contributions

2004 ◽  
Vol 37 (4) ◽  
pp. 1022-1023
Author(s):  
Bryan Evans
Keyword(s):  
Public Administration ◽  
Federal Government ◽  
Public Management ◽  
Internal Audit ◽  
Senior Manager ◽  
Institute Of Public Administration ◽  
Reporting Practices ◽  
University Of Toronto ◽  
The Media

The Politics of Public Management: The HRDC Audit of Grants and Contributions, David A. Good, The Institute of Public Administration of Canada Series in Public Management and Governance; Toronto, University of Toronto Press, 2003, pp. 240The literature in public administration in some ways suffers from not having more practitioners reflecting, writing and analyzing their experiences. Thus David Good's book analyzing the HRDC's so-called “billion dollar boondoggle” is a welcome contribution. His background as both a senior manager/executive within the Federal government and his academic credentials—a doctorate in policy and administration sets him apart—as a practitioner-academic. Good possesses the senior public manager's mind for detail and this book provides a clear account of the ebbing and flowing of events, beginning with the January 2000 release of HRDC's internal audit that implied a loss of a billion dollars, to the Auditor General's report of October that same year which, while critical of monitoring and reporting practices, concluded that only $85,000 was unaccounted for. The media and the opposition, at this point quickly lost interest.

scholarly journals Federal Government Task Force on Labour Relations

2005 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 130-136 ◽  
Author(s):  
H. D. Woods
Keyword(s):  
Federal Government ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Task Force ◽  
Industrial Relations ◽  
Labour Relations ◽  
University Of Toronto ◽  
Mcgill University ◽  
The Creation

In December 1966, Prime Minister Pearson announced the creation of a Task Force on Labour Relations. Under the chairmanship of H.D. Woods, Dean, Faculty of Arts and Science, McGill University, Montréal, the members are: Gérard Dion, Professor, Department of Industrial Relations, Laval University, Québec; John H.G. Crispo, Director, Centre for Industrial Relations, University of Toronto; A.W.R. Carrothers, Dean, Faculty of Law, University of Western Ontario.

The New Canadian Declaration of Acceptance of the Compulsory Jurisdiction of the International Court of Justice

1970 ◽  
Vol 8 ◽  
pp. 3-38 ◽  
Author(s):  
R. St. J. MacDonald
Keyword(s):  
United Nations ◽  
Federal Government ◽  
Marine Environment ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Secretary General ◽  
House Of Commons ◽  
International Court Of Justice ◽  
Pierre Elliott Trudeau ◽  
Court Of Justice ◽  
International Court

On April 8, 1970, Prime Minister Pierre Elliott Trudeau informed the members of the Canadian House of Commons that the federal government had given notice of its intention to introduce two bills dealing with the protection of Canada’s marine environment and the living resources of the sea. He then made the following statement:I wish now to table a copy of a letter which Canada’s Ambassador to the United Nations has delivered to the Secretary General submitting a new reservation to Canada’s acceptance of the compulsory jurisdiction of the International Court of Justice. This reservation is intended to guard against any possible litigation of certain features of these two bills.

scholarly journals Canada’s history of failing to provide medical care for Indigenous children

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rakhshan Kamran
Keyword(s):  
Health Care ◽  
Human Rights ◽  
First Nations ◽  
Social Services ◽  
Current Status ◽  
House Of Commons ◽  
Canadian Government ◽  
Indigenous Children ◽  
History Of ◽  
Services And Supports

Abstract In December 2007, the House of Commons unanimously supported Jordan’s Principle, a commitment that all First Nations children would receive the health care products, social services, and supports, and education they need, in memory of Jordan River Anderson. However, the process of applying for Jordan’s Principle was convoluted and not transparent, leaving several cases not being responded to. The Canadian Human Rights Tribunal found the definition and implementation of Jordan’s Principle to be racist and discriminatory in 2016, ordering the Canadian government to make immediate changes. Failing to make changes to Jordan’s Principle, the Canadian government was found to be noncompliant with the Canadian Human Rights Tribunal orders in 2018. This article provides one case example of Jordan’s Principle that was not responded to, details on the current status of Jordan’s Principle, and information on the recent implementation of the Act respecting First Nations, Inuit and Métis children, youth and families.

scholarly journals Prime ministerial autonomy and intra-executive conflict under semi-presidentialism

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-22
Author(s):  
Huang-Ting Yan
Keyword(s):  
Prime Minister ◽  
Minority Government ◽  
Presidential Democracies ◽  
The Government ◽  
Using Data ◽  
Constitutional Legitimacy

Abstract This article answers why intra-executive conflict varies across semi-presidential democracies. The literature verifies that intra-executive competition tends to be higher when the president holds less power to dismiss the cabinet, coexists with a minority government, or the president’s party is not represented in the cabinet. This paper, therefore, integrates these factors to construct an index of prime ministerial autonomy, proposing that its relationship with the probability of intra-executive conflict is represented by an inverted U-shaped curve. That is, when the prime minister is subordinated to an elected president, or conversely, enjoys greater room to manoeuvre in the executive affairs of the government, the likelihood of conflict is low. In contrast, significant confrontation emerges when the president claims constitutional legitimacy to rein in the cabinet, and controls the executive to a certain degree. This study verifies hypotheses using data on seventeen semi-presidential democracies in Europe between 1990 and 2015.

The Apogee of India - Nepal relations under NDA First Modi Government

2021 ◽  
pp. 166-171
Author(s):  
Afroz Ahmad ◽  
Usha Roopnarain
Keyword(s):  
Federal Government ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Parliamentary Election ◽  
Bharatiya Janata Party ◽  
The Absolute ◽  
The Government ◽  
Democratic Norms ◽  
First Time

The last Indian parliamentary election held in 2014, proved to be the finest example of India’s age-old commitment towards the pinnacle of democratic norms. India had set a niche by conducting the largest democratic franchise in history. First time ever since the 1984, Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) achieved the majority in the Lok Sabha without clubbing with coalition partners. It also got the absolute mandate to rule India’s federal government by ending the Congress monopoly. Interestingly, the Prime Ministerial candidate Narendra Modi in his campaigns criticized Congress-led United Progressive Alliance II (UPA II) for its impotency towards establishing friendly and cooperative relations with India’s neighbors. He also gave assurance that if his party (BJP) got the mandate, his leadership would adopt appropriate measures to resuscitate convivial ties with neighbors. Since forming the government, Prime Minister Modi has been persistently trying to pursue those promises by proceeding towards friendly ties with India’s neighbors. In the light of above discussion, this paper seeks to critically analyze the progress in Indo-Nepal relations under BJP government led by Prime Minister Narendra Modi.

Interview with Gilles de Kerchove

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-22
Keyword(s):  
Federal Government ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Active Role ◽  
Fundamental Rights ◽  
European Law ◽  
Saint Louis ◽  
Deputy Prime Minister ◽  
Charter Of Fundamental Rights ◽  
General Secretariat ◽  
The Eu

Gilles de Kerchove was appointed European Union (EU) Counter-Terrorism Coordinator (EU CTC) on 19 September 2007. In this function, he coordinates the work of the EU in the field of counterterrorism (CT), maintains an overview of all the instruments at the Union's disposal, closely monitors the implementation of the EU CT strategy and fosters better communication between the EU and third countries to ensure that the Union plays an active role in the fight against terrorism. He was previously Director for Justice and Home Affairs at the EU Council General Secretariat (1995–2007) and Deputy Secretary of the Convention which drafted the Charter of fundamental rights of the EU (1999–2000). Before that he was Head of the Private Office of the Deputy Prime-Minister of the Federal Government of Belgium, Minister of Justice and Minister of Economic Affairs (1993–1995) and Head of the Private Office of the Deputy Prime-Minister of the Federal Government of Belgium, Minister of Justice and Minister of SMEs (1989–1992). Mr de Kerchove is a Professor of European Law at the Université Catholique de Louvain, at the Université Libre de Bruxelles and at the Université Saint Louis-Bruxelles. He has published a number of books and numerous articles on European law, human rights, security and CT.

Canada

2021 ◽  
pp. 193-213
Author(s):  
Christopher Cochrane ◽  
Jean-François Godbout ◽  
Jason Vandenbeukel
Keyword(s):  
Prime Minister ◽  
Dominant Role ◽  
National Level ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Independent Effect ◽  
Parliamentary Democracy ◽  
House Of Commons ◽  
Lower House ◽  
The Government

Canada is a federal parliamentary democracy with a bicameral legislature at the national level. Members of the upper House, styled the Senate, are appointed by the prime minister, and members of the lower House, the House of Commons, are elected in single-member plurality electoral districts. In practice, the House of Commons is by far the more important of the two chambers. This chapter, therefore, investigates access to the floor in the Canadian House of Commons. We find that the age, gender, and experience of MPs have little independent effect on access to the floor. Consistent with the dominant role of parties in Canadian political life, we find that an MP’s role within a party has by far the most significant impact on their access to the floor. Intriguingly, backbenchers in the government party have the least access of all.

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