Canada

2021 ◽  
pp. 193-213
Author(s):  
Christopher Cochrane ◽  
Jean-François Godbout ◽  
Jason Vandenbeukel

Canada is a federal parliamentary democracy with a bicameral legislature at the national level. Members of the upper House, styled the Senate, are appointed by the prime minister, and members of the lower House, the House of Commons, are elected in single-member plurality electoral districts. In practice, the House of Commons is by far the more important of the two chambers. This chapter, therefore, investigates access to the floor in the Canadian House of Commons. We find that the age, gender, and experience of MPs have little independent effect on access to the floor. Consistent with the dominant role of parties in Canadian political life, we find that an MP’s role within a party has by far the most significant impact on their access to the floor. Intriguingly, backbenchers in the government party have the least access of all.

Author(s):  
Muiris MacCarthaigh

The assertion that the Irish parliament, Oireachtas Éireann, or more specifically its lower house Dáil Éireann, is poor at if not incapable of fulfilling its constitutional role of holding the government to account is an established feature of the study of Irish politics. In this chapter, the development of parliamentary accountability is examined in constitutional and comparative contexts. This is achieved by first looking at the idea of accountability and its manifestation within the Westminster family of parliamentary systems, including the Oireachtas. The chapter examines the three principal methods through which executive accountability to Dáil Éireann has been pursued, namely debates, questions, and, more recently, committees. An analysis of the parliamentary reforms that have been proposed and introduced to address perceived accountability deficits is then presented. In a final section, important changes that resulted from the outcome of the 2016 general election for the operation of parliamentary accountability are examined.


Author(s):  
David Baxter Bakibinga

Witness protection is now firmly entrenched in the modern criminal justice systems especially in jurisdictions dealing with organized and violent crime. The decision by the government of The Commonwealth of The Bahamas to enact legislation in respect to procedural and non-procedural measures for protection of witnesses is commendable, given that violent and organized crime is rife in the country. This article highlights the basic tenets of witness protection and the legal framework, both at the international and national level. It also addresses the role of key duty bearers in the process of witness protection. Furthermore the procedural and non-procedural measures taken by law enforcement officers in The Bahamas are explored. And lastly, the challenges encountered in the implementation of the witness protection measures in The Bahamas are examined. This is intended to aid policy makers, advisers and those entrusted with decision making, like parliamentarians, to devise means and ways to eradicate and/or mitigate challenges faced in the implementation of witness protection measures in The Bahamas.


Author(s):  
Eva NAGYFEJEO ◽  
Basie Von SOLMS

Nowadays, many cyber users do not understand how to protect themselves and their information within cyber space. One reason is that cyber users are unaware of possible cyber risks and threats that may occur within cyber space. The second reason is that citizens, businesses and users within the public sector may be aware of relevant cyber risks but do not really understand the seriousness of such risks and the consequences if they do realise. Therefore, cybersecurity awareness campaigns are an integral part of improving cybersecurity awareness. Based on in-country reviews conducted as part of the Global Cybersecurity Capacity Centre (GCSCC) programme, we observed that the campaigns to raise cybersecurity awareness throughout the country are often led by different ‘owners’ without co-ordination and adequate resources therefore creating fragmentation in the national cybersecurity awareness raising programme. This paper suggests that the development of a coordinated and coherent national cybersecurity awareness program is critical for building a basic level of aware-ness at the national level. We will examine the requirements needed to develop a coordinated national awareness raising programme by reviewing the existing literature, best practice approaches and the role of different stakeholders such as the government, private sector and civil society. We will draw conclusions on the main obstacles to ensure overall coherence between the actions of stakeholders and the efforts countries should prioritise in order to increase awareness of cyber risks at the national level.


Author(s):  
Rama Mohana Rao Katta ◽  
Chandra Sekhar Patro

Globalization has been a significant force in the development of the market and economic environments. The micro, small, and medium enterprises (MSMEs) need to focus on technological capabilities to face the competition in the globalized market. They have to analyze the market opportunities in the rapidly growing economy as well as emerging markets. The aids of a globalized and digital economy depends to an excessive extent on favourable business environments and healthy competition. The performance of MSMEs depends on accessibility to various strategic resources like abilities, technical know-how, innovativeness, and finance. Thus, it is imperative to consider the factors influencing work conditions firm level, and the strategies formulated at the national level are organized to local business perspectives. This paper examines the global scenario of MSMEs, the impact of globalization, the role of MSMEs in India, the growth perspectives of MSMEs during the pre-and post-globalization period, the critical challenges, and the role of the government in encouraging and developing MSMEs.


2020 ◽  
pp. 13-42
Author(s):  
Radhika Singha

This chapter assesses the key role of the non-combatant or follower ranks in the history of sub-imperial drives exerted across the land and sea frontiers of India. The reliance of the War Office upon combatant and non-combatant detachments from the Indian Army, used in combination with units of the British Army, left an imprint upon the first consolidated Indian Army Act of 1911. From 1914 the inter-regional contests of the Government of India for territory and influence, such as those running along the Arabian frontiers of the Ottoman empire, folded into global war. Nevertheless the despatch of an Indian Expeditionary Force to Europe in August 1914 disrupted raced imaginaries of the world order. The second less publicized exercise was the sending of Indian Labor Corps and of humble horse and mule drivers to France in 1917-18. The colour bar imposed by the Dominions on Indian settlers had begun to complicate the utilisation of Indian labor and Indian troops on behalf of empire. Over 1919-21, as global conflict segued back into imperial militarism, a strong critique emerged in India against the unilateral deployment of Indian troops and military labor, on fiscal grounds, in protest against their use to suppress political life in India and to condemn the international order which their use sustained.


Author(s):  
Ed Beale ◽  
Libby Kurien ◽  
Eve Samson

This chapter examines the ways in which the UK Parliament formally constrains the government and engages with European Union (EU) institutions. The House of Lords and the House of Commons both have processes to ensure that legislation proposed at the EU level has been properly reviewed before it takes effect in UK law. The ‘scrutiny reserve’, which stipulates that ministers should not agree to proposals under scrutiny, is used to elicit information about the government's negotiating position. Parliament also has a role in examining EU legislation and providing direct access to European institutions. The chapter first provides an overview of the EU legislative process, focusing on three principal EU institutions: member states, the European Parliament (EP), and the European Commission. It also considers the formal role of national parliaments in the EU legislative process, the UK Parliament's scrutiny of the EU legislation and its effectiveness, and parliamentary scrutiny after Brexit.


1975 ◽  
Vol 69 (1) ◽  
pp. 31-48 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joseph A. Massey

Before 1945 Japan was the epitome of a nation whose political regime was based on the presence of a “benevolent leader,” the Emperor. The postwar democratic regime, however, was founded in explicit repudiation of this central role of the Emperor in the political life of the nation. This study, based on two surveys of Japanese children and adolescents, investigates their images of political authority figures and the consequences of those images on support for the institutions of the present regime. The first part of the paper focuses on younger children's images of possible contenders for the role of benevolent leader. The data reveal indifference toward the emperor and strong negative affect toward the prime minister. Comparison of the images of prime minister and local leader suggests that the leader's personality and leadership style, characteristics of the institutional structure of politics, and children's conceptions of the meaning of “politics” combine to the detriment of the prime minister's image. The second part of the paper centers around the question of whether there occurs in later years a spill-over of negative affect from the prime minister's image onto the other major institutions of the regime. The data indicate that a selective political cynicism emerges in adolescence, in which negative feelings toward the authoritative, output institutions of government are coupled with support for those institutions which mediate popular participation in politics. The paper concludes with a consideration of the significance that the historical origins of a political regime have for popular images of national leaders.


2014 ◽  
Vol 48 (1_suppl) ◽  
pp. 180-217 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alan Gamlen

Why do governments form institutions devoted to emigrants and their descendants in the diaspora? Such institutions have become a regular feature of political life in many parts of the world: Over half all United Nations Member States now have one. Diaspora institutions merit research because they connect new developments in the global governance of migration with new patterns of national and transnational sovereignty and citizenship, and new ways of constructing individual identity in relation to new collectivities. But these institutions are generally overlooked. Migration policy is still understood as immigration policy, and research on diaspora institutions has been fragmented, case-study dominated, and largely descriptive. In this article, I review and extend the relevant theoretical literature and highlight empirical research priorities. I argue that existing studies focus too exclusively on national-level interests and ideas to explain how individual states tap diaspora resources and embrace these groups within the nation-state. However, these approaches cannot explain the global spread of diaspora institutions. This, I argue, requires a comparative approach and greater attention to the role of efforts to create a coherent but decentralized system of global governance in the area of international migration.


Significance The election for the House of Representatives, the lower house of parliament, will be the second since the constitution was revised in 2011. This specified that the leader of the party winning the largest number of seats should be given the first opportunity to form a government. The revision led to the moderate Islamist party, the Justice and Development Party (PJD), leading the government for the first time after its victory in the November 2011 poll. Impacts The election will focus attention on contentious reforms to pensions, subsidies and the education system. The months ahead will be dominated by speculation about party alliances and the likely shape of a future coalition government. The palace seems ready to accept a second term for Prime Minister Abdelilah Benkirane, but is also keen to see PAM within government.


Significance Ahead of the rollout of the Liberal government’s new defence white paper, Minister of Foreign Affairs Chrystia Freeland delivered a speech in the House of Commons arguing that Canada’s membership of NATO and history of peacekeeping are core elements of its internationalist foreign policy. The government of Prime Minister Justin Trudeau wishes to finance greater Canadian involvement in multilateral security missions and institutions of liberal global governance. Impacts Defence issues are not politically salient to Canadian voters, but government backtracking on policy is. High polling support for peacekeeping would probably evaporate in the event of Canadian losses abroad. Operational setbacks could see Trudeau’s Liberals bleed support to their New Democratic and Conservative rivals.


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