The Apogee of India - Nepal relations under NDA First Modi Government

Author(s):  
Afroz Ahmad ◽  
Usha Roopnarain

The last Indian parliamentary election held in 2014, proved to be the finest example of India’s age-old commitment towards the pinnacle of democratic norms. India had set a niche by conducting the largest democratic franchise in history. First time ever since the 1984, Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) achieved the majority in the Lok Sabha without clubbing with coalition partners. It also got the absolute mandate to rule India’s federal government by ending the Congress monopoly. Interestingly, the Prime Ministerial candidate Narendra Modi in his campaigns criticized Congress-led United Progressive Alliance II (UPA II) for its impotency towards establishing friendly and cooperative relations with India’s neighbors. He also gave assurance that if his party (BJP) got the mandate, his leadership would adopt appropriate measures to resuscitate convivial ties with neighbors. Since forming the government, Prime Minister Modi has been persistently trying to pursue those promises by proceeding towards friendly ties with India’s neighbors. In the light of above discussion, this paper seeks to critically analyze the progress in Indo-Nepal relations under BJP government led by Prime Minister Narendra Modi.

Significance The election for the House of Representatives, the lower house of parliament, will be the second since the constitution was revised in 2011. This specified that the leader of the party winning the largest number of seats should be given the first opportunity to form a government. The revision led to the moderate Islamist party, the Justice and Development Party (PJD), leading the government for the first time after its victory in the November 2011 poll. Impacts The election will focus attention on contentious reforms to pensions, subsidies and the education system. The months ahead will be dominated by speculation about party alliances and the likely shape of a future coalition government. The palace seems ready to accept a second term for Prime Minister Abdelilah Benkirane, but is also keen to see PAM within government.


Subject Prospects for India in 2016. Significance Prime Minister Narendra Modi's government has accelerated its agenda of piecemeal and sequential reform following his Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)'s defeat in the Bihar elections last month. As difficult state elections approach in the first half of 2016, the government is banking on these reforms and headline growth to secure voter and investor support. In foreign policy, the government is likely to focus on regions of strategic importance, especially Russia and the Middle East.


Significance Following the victory of his Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) in elections late last month, he expressed a wish to improve relations with Pakistan's neighbour and traditional enemy India, especially on the disputed Kashmir valley. Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, whose Hindu nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) will seek to retain power in elections early next year, congratulated Khan on his poll win. Impacts Pakistan’s military may try to influence the Afghan parliamentary election in October. The security of Indian-administered Kashmir will deteriorate. India will lobby the United States to exert further political and economic pressure on Pakistan over cross-border militancy.


Subject Prospects for India in 2018. Significance India’s ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has responded to the recent economic slowdown by drawing up plans to recapitalise public sector banks (PSBs) and invest in infrastructure. Prime Minister Narendra Modi is also under pressure to create jobs. The government will be expected to deliver on its promises with elections due in around 18 months’ time.


Subject Borisov’s third administration. Significance The government approved by parliament on May 4 is Prime Minister Boyko Borisov’s third since 2009. It is the first time his Citizens for Bulgaria’s European Development (GERB) party has joined in formal coalition with United Patriots (OB), a bloc comprising three nationalist parties. Two OB leaders, Krasimir Karakachanov and Valery Simeonov, are deputy prime ministers, but only the former combines this position with a portfolio (defence). OB’s third and most controversial leader -- Ataka party leader Volen Siderov, noted previously for rabid anti-NATO and pro-Putin statements -- has no formal government role. Impacts GERB has reaffirmed its domination of Bulgarian politics with minimal concessions to its formal coalition partners. The spectre of increased Russian influence over Bulgarian politics that worried some EU partners has seemingly dissipated. A firmer line against migration is likely as a sop to OB, but meaningful reform of the judiciary will again be strenuously avoided. Sofia’s worries about Turkey and the Western Balkans and its forthcoming EU presidency may make it more amenable to EU influence and advice.


2014 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 187-203
Author(s):  
Stephen Peplow

Prime Minister Robert Peel was forced to resign in 1846 over the Repeal of the Corn Laws. Far from being a relatively unimportant piece of agricultural legislation, the Corn Laws, and their continuance, formed part of the ideology of the Conservative Party of the time. By proposing to Repeal the Corn Laws, Sir Robert was attacking the beliefs on which his party had won victory in the 1841 General Election. The result was a serious split within the Conservative Party over the Corn Laws. The majority of Conservatives voted against their own government, while 114 ‘Peelite’ Conservatives voted with Peel and the government. Why those particular Conservative Members decided to split away from their colleagues has been the subject of a large amount of research, mostly with ‘demand-side’ models which assume that the MP is little more than a mouthpiece for constituency interests. Peel's 1845 motion, a year before Repeal, to increase the yearly grant to the Irish Catholic seminary at Maynooth created very large controversy, and a backbench rebellion in which half of his own party voted against the government. As with Repeal, Maynooth passed only because the Opposition party decided to side with the government. This article uses principal component analysis and a classification tree analysis for the first time to show that while Conservative Members were voting with constituency interests in mind, their previous voting record over Maynooth is an overlooked and important predictor.


Res Publica ◽  
2001 ◽  
Vol 42 (1) ◽  
pp. 23-32
Author(s):  
Jean-Luc Dehaene

The position of the Belgian prime minister (PM) is hardly mentioned in the Belgian Constitution. lt was only after almost 140 years, in 1970 he was mentioned for the first time. lts power is rather a matter of common law. Since 1831 through the years, the position and power of the PM changed strongly. This often happened together with changes concerning the power of the King: the weaker the King, the stronger the PM.The existence of coalition governments puts forward bis role as coordinator and even as arbitrator, whereas the federalisation process since the seventies places him as a conciliator between Regions and Communities. The growing importance of the European Council of Head of States have made him the most important decision-maker among the national politicians in the European integration process. The PM's skills concerning timing and agendasetting are very important because it is one of his most important power instruments. Other key skills are bis profound knowledge in certain issues but mostly as a generalist, his insisting on good minister nominations by the party leaders, the way he can motivate his cabinet members, a good team spirit among the government members and the existence of a clear government contract. In order to avoid a strongdependency on or tutelage from the political parties of the majority it is important to have their top politicians in the government.


2014 ◽  
Vol 73 (1) ◽  
pp. 120-154
Author(s):  
Tim Szatkowski

Abstract The government of the Federal Republic of Germany under Chancellor Schmidt and Foreign Minister Genscher supported Greece’s joining of the European Communities which took place at the beginning of 1981, more than every other EC member state. This essay shows that primarily political motives played a role. Under the conditions of the East/West conflict the Federal Government hoped to win a reliable ally and to strengthen the southeast flank of the NATO. Doubts resulted from possible financial burdens and social problems as a result of the freedom of movement agreed on by contract for Greek employees. However, these worries weren’t decisive at the end. Economic aspects not least were disregarded negligently. The question whether Greece was capable of the joining because of serious structural difficulties received little attention. The government Schmidt/Genscher thought to be able to overcome all problems with the transfer of financial resources which especially the Greek government under Prime Minister Papandreou demanded.


2018 ◽  
pp. 357-360 ◽  
Author(s):  
Abubakar Shekau

(5 JANUARY 2015) [Trans.: Abdulbasit Kassim] In this video, Shekau addressed the government and people of Cameroon for the first time. This video was released several months after the President of Cameroon vowed to wipe out Boko Haram, following the abduction and subsequent release of ten foreigners and seventeen Cameroonian hostages, including the wife of Amadou Ali, the country’s deputy prime minister. Shekau here threatens Paul Biya with a fate like his Nigerian counterpart....


2021 ◽  
pp. 232102302199914
Author(s):  
Jean-Thomas Martelli

This ethnographic account chronicles the journey of one of the largest anti-government protests since India’s independence. It examines the pivotal role of students—initially activists and then first-time participants—in crystallizing challenges to the ruling dispensation, not only by opposing it directly, but through subverting its way of claiming representation. More specifically, it is the strategic reuse of the pervasive anti-institutional and anti-elite discourse at the top—while replacing its majoritarianism with inclusiveness—that enabled protesters to disembody the populist modality of the current Indian Prime Minister. Protesters’ short-lived success was achieved through an enactment of the popular, embodied in a diffused fashion by faceless, peaceful and feminized protesting masses. The popular successfully appropriated the claim to be the people through invoking a ‘derivative’ nationalist repertoire in part shared by the government, emptying its anti-minorities subtext through appropriating floating signifiers of patriotic belonging such as the Indian constitution, the flag and the anthem. By engaging on how relatively small communities of politicized students used the campus ecology and its neighbouring spaces as territorial and ideational nodal points for the mobilization of less politicized cohorts, the article underlines their significance in the political articulation of dissent in contemporary Indian democracy.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document