scholarly journals Problems of Prioritization National Security interest of Energy import-dependent States (Case studies: Georgia and Lithuania)

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nana Pirtskhelani

This paper focuses on studying the prioritization process of national interests of energy import-dependent states. In particular, considering the energy strategy formation processes of Georgia and Lithuania, it explores the interrelation among the objectives of supply security and national security challenges. The reason behind the choice of the given countries was that energy security policies of both countries were formed based on identical characteristics after the collapse of the Soviet Union. Analysis of the mentioned cases offers a good opportunity to explain how foreign policy threats affect national energy security decisions. The study also examines the major factors affecting prioritization of national security interests, providing a possibility to answer the main research question of the paper - what prompts states to pursue less rational policies in terms of energy security, justified by maintaining state sovereignty? Using the securitization concept, the paper also explains what leads to taking steps aimed at solving national security challenges, which may, in turn, lead to the emergence of new types of security challenges. Analysis of the mentioned cases offers a good opportunity to explain how foreign policy threats affect national energy security decisions, whether such threats cause new energy challenges to be subject to political interests and whether it is appropriate for states to pursue such energy policy with the motive of maintaining state sovereignty. The paper indicates that energy policies purely formed based on political interests, may not face the main energy security challenges of the country.

2020 ◽  
Vol 18 (1/2020) ◽  
pp. 33-67
Author(s):  
Olga Stevanovic

The subject of this paper encompasses US policy towards Poland and the Baltic States regarding energy security during Donald Trump’s presidency. It is discernible that vast domestic energy resources have created an opportunity for the US to project more power to these countries, and the surrounding region. We argue that Trump and his administration’s perceptions have served as an intervening variable in that opportunity assessment, in accordance with the neoclassical realist theory. The main research question addressed in this paper is whether US has used that opportunity to contribute to energy security in countries it has traditionally deemed as allies. Two aspects of US approach to energy security of the designated countries are taken into consideration: liquified natural gas exports and support for the Three Seas Initiative. The way Trump presented his policy and its results in his public statements has also been considered in this paper. The article will proceed as follows. The first subsection of the paper represents a summary of energy security challenges in Poland and the Baltic States. The second subsection is dedicated to the opportunity for the US to project energy power and to Trump’s perceptions relevant for the opportunity assessment. The third subsection deals with American LNG exports to these countries as a possible way for contributing to energy security in Poland and the Baltic States. The last part of the paper addresses the Three Seas Initiative and US approach to this platform.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 419-429
Author(s):  
Khuram Shahzad ◽  
Omer Farooq Zain

ABSTRACT Pakistan is considered to below middle an income country in south Asia having a fragile and agro based economy.  Pakistan is encountering various sociopolitical, geo political, socioeconomic and socio-religious issues and challenges which are halting its national security.  . In this regard to counter above mentioned challenges of national security the pioneer defense and NSP (National Security Policy) followed soon after. In the absence of sufficient and particular literature on the subject of national security, the opening part of this research work will first highlight the overarching national interests of Pakistan secondly analysis of the current challenges which are obstructing Pakistan to achieve these national interests and identification of significant threats to national security. In the later part, a comprehensive examination of the current NSP (National Security Policy) of Pakistan and related documents will be done to answer the primary research question that whether this strategic manuscript addresses the major threats to the national security of Pakistan recognized in our research work as the fear of fundamental Islamist terrorism to the tourism industry overseas pressure and planned crime.    


2020 ◽  
Vol 42 (2) ◽  

In recent years, Russian President Vladimir Putin increasingly places a high premium on re-building Russia’s global influence, which includes a boosting of Russia’s relations with the African continent. This coincides with Putin’s position that the strengthening of ties with African states is a Russian foreign policy priority. Moreover, there is little doubt that much of Moscow’s new involvement in Africa relates to Putin’s desire to revive his country’s great-power status. The main research question is: What is behind Moscow’s renewed push into the continent? Three areas of Russia-Africa relations of special importance are suggested in this article. Firstly, much of Russia’s focus on the African continent centres on energy diplomacy. Secondly, Russia is the second largest exporter of arms globally after the United States, and Moscow is a major supplier of weapons and military aid to Africa. Thirdly, the continent is rich in mineral wealth, and Moscow has an economic interest in mineral riches in Africa. This article argues the above-mentioned issues are the main drivers underlying Russia’s renewed strategic engagement with the African continent. The article further reflects on whether Russia’s foreign policy successes in Africa have been overblown, or whether Russia’s renewed engagement with Africa is actually of considerable significance in the global context and from an African point of view.


2020 ◽  
Vol III (I) ◽  
pp. 1-14
Author(s):  
Muhammad Imran Ashraf ◽  
Fariha Ahmad Hashmi

Starting with Islam to base the framework and working of a nation state andthen leading the state based on varying interpretations of the same ideology (Islam) including liberal interpretations, socialism, sharia, moderate version of it- Pakistan is one of those states which have been basing itsnational narrative on ideology. Ideology thus brought more challenges than achieving national objectives and national interests. Additionally, ideological underpinnings and its various indices made it easy for political elite to further their schema and safeties and get peoples backing as legitimacy for their vested political interests. This respective paper anticipates to analyze this very attitude of political elite as they counted on and exploited ideological beliefs of masses along with manipulating their belief for own peculiar interests and get backing for their flawed domestic and foreign policies. Furthermore, this paper aims at assessing how political elite managed to fragment the social and political fabric with their vague reliance on ideological indexes, thus fetching national security challenges.


2013 ◽  
Vol 46 (3) ◽  
pp. 617-643 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonathan Paquin ◽  
Philippe Beauregard

Abstract. The purpose of this article is to explore the issue of alignment in Canadian foreign policy. The main research question is whether Canada's responses to foreign crises aligned with those of its allies, and if so, which allies and why. The study proceeds in two steps. First, it tests four major theoretical perspectives that could explain Canada's behaviour: continentalism, transatlantism, the Anglosphere argument and unilateralism. By performing a computer-generated content analysis, the article assesses these propositions by focusing on and comparing Canada's official declarations to those of the United States, France and Britain to six foreign crises that occurred between 2004 and 2011. Second, the analysis identifies whether there is a difference between the Harper and Martin governments' responses to foreign crises. The research provides quantitative and qualitative evidence suggesting that Canada's foreign policy alignment primarily tends toward a transatlantic orientation. It also shows that the Harper government was less in line with Washington than was the previous Liberal government of Paul Martin, which challenges the conventional wisdom of Canadian foreign policy.Résumé. Cet article explore l'enjeu de l'alignement en politique étrangère canadienne et pose la question de recherche suivante : est-ce qu'à l'égard des crises étrangère le Canada s'aligne sur les positions de ses alliés et, si oui, lesquels et pourquoi? Tout d'abord, l'article présente quatre perspectives théoriques susceptibles d'expliquer le comportement du Canada : le continentalisme, le transatlantisme, la thèse de l'anglosphère et celle de l'unilatéralisme. En ayant recours à une analyse de contenu assistée par ordinateur, cet article teste la validité de ces propositions en comparant les déclarations officielles du Canada à celles des États-Unis, de la France et de l'Angleterre à l'égard de six crises survenues entre 2004 et 2011. Ensuite, l'analyse cherche à identifier s'il y a une différence entre les réponses des gouvernements Harper et Martin à l'égard de ces crises. L'étude fournit des données empiriques de type qualitatif et quantitatif qui suggèrent que le Canada a eu une orientation transatlantique lors de la gestion de ces crises internationales. Elle montre également que le gouvernement Harper est moins aligné sur les positions de Washington que ne le fut le précédent gouvernement libéral, ce qui ébranle certaines idées communément admises en politique étrangère canadienne.


Author(s):  
A.U. Tyulyubayeva ◽  
◽  
A. Z. Turkhanova ◽  

The article examines the problems of ensuring national security at the domestic and regional levels of Kazakhstan and Iran, the normative documents of the two states on this issue, provides a comparative analysis of the systems of ensuring national security of the two countries, measures to combat modern threats such as radical extremism, terrorism, interethnic and interfaith conflicts, and shows the level of cooperation between our state and the Islamic republic on issues identified by the topic of the article. The authors of the article briefly analyze the foreign policy activity of the Republic of Kazakhstan and the Islamic Republic of Iran in terms of an adequate response to modern national security challenges.


2021 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 56-73
Author(s):  
S. Golunov

While employing their energy potentials for advancing their foreign policy interests, Russia and the USA apply various political tools and practices, that can be classified as “positive”, “negative”, regulating energy markets, and reinforcing one’s own potential. The author argues that in both cases the application of energy-related statecraft is largely related either to energy security or to advancing ideologically inspired political interests. These two kinds of incentives can both work together or conflict each other. To pursue their relevant interests, both Russia and the USA have distinctive potentials, resources, and instruments that to a large extent were developed under influence of geopolitical and economic shocks: dramatic growth of global oil prices in 1970s for the USA and centrifugal post-Soviet geopolitical processes in 1990s for Russia. As a negative tool, the USA most often uses various kinds of sanctions to target energy sectors of their opponents, while the strongest Russian weapon is energy supply restrictions. To safeguard one’s own energy security and solidify their political influences both states manage bilateral complementary “producer–consumer” relations, while to stabilize global oil price, both states participate in international energy alliances. For instrumental purposes, both states also take advantage of purposeful or spontaneous transformations of their energy sectors (e.g. consolidation of the Russian energy sector and the U.S. ‘shale revolution’) for foreign policy purposes. In most cases, the effectiveness of applying statecraft tools for advancing energy-related interests proved to be limited. Those sanctions and other ways of pressure that targeted opponents’ energy sectors (especially if applied unilaterally) themselves rarely led to desirable alterations in those opponents’ policies. The results of energy alliances building also have proved to be limited both for Russia and for the USA as those alliances do not secure full-fledged control over global oil prices and are not solid or representative enough.


Author(s):  
Özgür Özdamar

Next to national defense, energy security has become a primary issue for the survival and wellbeing of both developed and developing nations. A review of the literature shows how concerns for energy security acquired a new dimension after the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, when the Western powers and a weakened Russia competed for the control of the Eurasia region and its energy resources. Research has also focused on how different countries have developed a variety of strategies for securing their energy supply. Energy security literature can be split into three general sections: neoclassical economics and public choice, bureaucratic politics and public administration, and political economy. Scholars have also explored regime theory, resource conflict, and the relationship between national energy security and foreign policy. In the case of the United States, four major challenges in foreign policy issues related to energy security can be identified: “building alliances, strengthening collective energy security, asserting its interests with energy suppliers, and addressing the rise of state control in energy.” These challenges require eight specific foreign policy responses from the U.S. government, two of which constitute the core relationship between energy security and foreign policy making: “candor and respect” for the producer countries, and foreign policies that promote the stability and security of suppliers.


Author(s):  
Amelia Hadfield

This chapter examines the role of energy in foreign policy by focusing on Russia’s decision in 2006 to temporarily stop the flow of natural gas to the Ukraine, along with its impact on European markets. It first explains how energy contributes to national prosperity and underwrites national security, noting that states now desire energy security in the same way that they desire military and economic security. It then considers the political significance of energy during the post-Cold War years before discussing the ‘gas spat’ between Russia and Ukraine. It also explores the European energy insecurity dilemma that followed the spat and shows that much of the current tensions afflicting Europe and Russia are driven by an inability to manage energy security as a potent area of foreign policy.


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