scholarly journals The U.S. Space Force in a geopolitical context: Peaceful development or arming of outer space?

2020 ◽  
Vol 72 (4) ◽  
pp. 653-677
Author(s):  
Bogdan Stojanovic

The main research question in this article is how much the establishment of the U.S. Space Force has influenced other countries to accelerate their space activities and whether future technological development in space will be peaceful. The newly formed U.S. Space Force is the result of new geopolitical reflections on the importance of outer space as a new type of battlefield between states. International norms forbid weapons of mass destruction in outer space, but not conventional weapons. The author examines the justification and the possibility of establishing an international regime that would limit the future space ambitions of a few capable states. The author uses a comparative method and analysis of state practices to examine who could be the most serious competitor of the United States in the struggle for space domination. The author concludes that space nationalism dominates the practices of states and their aspirations to increase their own power. Although it is too early to reject classical geopolitical views, geopolitics must respect outer space as a new arena of competition. The author also predicts that there will be a place for private actors in that arena, but with strict state supervision. The main conclusion and answer to the research question are that American activities will introduce the race to conquer space to a new speed, including the armament and militarization of outer space.

2021 ◽  
Vol 65 (9) ◽  
pp. 130-138
Author(s):  
P. Koshkin

The article is dedicated to the United States’ achievements in space rivalry, its economic, geopolitical, scientific and technological aspects. Given the fact that the U.S. are faced with a difficult period in their history, they will try to restore the positive image of American democracy not only through traditional political methods, but also via scientific and technological leadership, including in the field of outer space exploration. The author focuses on NASA’s modern space programs, among which are initiatives that deal with landing on asteroids, exploring deep space, the Moon and Mars as well as attempts to commercialize outer space through space tourism. The author also compares the space program budgets of the U.S., Russia, China and some European countries. The article presents all these aspects in the current context, with paying attention to the STEM education (Science, Technology, Engineering, Mathematics). The goal is to understand why America still leads in space exploration and sets the bar. In conclusion, the author argues that Washington will keep prioritizing space industry and involve private companies in this field through allocating additional funding and granting tenders to those who are most competitive. In addition, achievements in the U.S. space program is a matter of international prestige and American leadership, given the fact that the image of the country has suffered a lot, especially amidst Trump’s bygone, yet controversial presidency. A successful implementation of Washington’s ambitions in outer space will strengthen both its leadership and its ties with Europe, which is strategically important for America in the times of political confrontation with Russia and China. In the article, the author primarily relies on descriptive and narrative scientific approaches, comparative and historical methods as well as systematic approach by analyzing NASA documents and publications, speeches of the U.S. presidents and specialized media outlets. The novelty of the article adds up to the fundamental analysis of the American space program through the lens of history and current times while focusing on its political, economic and technological aspects. Acknowledgements. The article was prepared within the project “Post-crisis world order: challenges and technologies, competition and cooperation” supported by the grant from Ministry of Science and Higher Education of the Russian Federation program for research projects in priority areas of scientific and technological development (Agreement № 075-15-2020-783).


Author(s):  
I. Danilin

The “technological war” between the United States and China that started in 2017–2018 raises a number of questions about the future role of technological development as a factor in relations between superpowers. Analysis shows that for the United States this conflict is caused by changing balance of risks and benefits of the liberal model of globalization due to the rise of China`s power and growing geopolitical tensions between the two nations. In this context, emerging, especially digital, technologies appear to be a new battlefield between superpowers. Within the realist framework, actors consider emerging technologies as a key factor for strengthening their global postures. This, among other things, contributes to securitized technological agenda and strengthens its geopolitical dimension. Neo-technonationalism has become the platform that integrates different processes and goals into new U.S. policy. Although historically neo-technonationalism took its roots in Asia, the evolving market situation prompted the United States to rethink existing approaches and to upgrade the techno-nationalist dimension of its policy. Considering similar policies of China and the EU (i. e. the European digital sovereignty policy), this trend shapes new realities of technological “blocs”, the struggle for expansion of technological platforms, and technological conflicts. Taking into account prospective development needs of the global economy and future specification of mutual interest areas, as new digital technologies mature, the ground for normalizing the dialogue between the superpowers will emerge. However, at least in the U.S.–China case, this issue will be complicated by geopolitical contradictions that leave little room for any serious compromise.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marek Czajkowski

OUTER SPACE IN THE SECURITY STRATEGY OF THE UNITED STATES This book contributes to a necessary effort to understand the impact of human activities in outer space on international security. Its specific task is to grasp the changing role of space applications for the security of the United States. It is not, however, a treatise on military doctrine or modern warfare, neither it is a handbook on technology. Instead, it utilizes paradigms of international relations to extract the political dimension out of this so highly technical issue. The book contains five chapters. In the first chapter, we find the analysis of some theoretical and legal aspects of the relationship between human activities in outer space and security with its multiple dimensions. The considerations of chapter two revolve around the science and technology of space applications with special attention to security issues. It is not, however, a technical manual but rather the comprehensive, general description of the characteristics of outer space presented for the sake of comprehensiveness of the whole argument. Chapter three contains a description of the historical background, which means the evolution of military space applications. But again, it does not provide detailed technical knowledge but rather concentrates on the political and strategic dimension. Chapter four is the essential part of the book as it depicts the space security policy of the United States against the background of the general international strategy of the U.S. And finally, chapter five contains some thoughts about specific issues related to the space security. The most general findings expressed in this book are as follows. Firstly, the core elements of the United States international strategy and foreign policy rely heavily on the unhampered use of space applications. But, secondly, the capabilities that these applications provide with, are increasingly contested by many international players. These competitors not only have the abilities to negate some of the American space-borne capabilities, but also create their own, similar. The latter contributes greatly to the narrowing of the technology advantage of the U.S. over its peers. And thirdly, this problematic situation will persist, compelling the United States to at least try to reverse the process of loosing of what is sometimes called the space hegemony.


2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 33-42
Author(s):  
Kristina A. Hesbol ◽  
Jennifer Sparkman Bartee ◽  
Fayaz Amiri

Despite the fact that rural communities across the United States are rapidly diversifying (Fusarelli & Militello, 2012), little research has examined the beliefs and practices of successful rural educational leaders, specifically in high poverty schools and districts where traditionally marginalized students demonstrate improving learning outcomes. The purpose of this study was to examine the beliefs and practices of a rural educational leader whose school or district met established study criteria for a high poverty, high performing school, in which traditionally marginalized students demonstrate increasingly productive learning outcomes. Interviews with the leader were conducted, and the data were coded and analyzed using a constant comparative method (Lincoln & Guba, 1985).The following research question guided the study:What impact do the beliefs and practices of a rural school district leader have on the learning outcomes of traditionally marginalized students in the Rocky Mountain West?The findings from this study contribute to the paucity of research on culturally responsive rural superintendent-principals. Identifying the rural leader’s beliefs and practices provides support for educational leaders who serve in that uniquely rural dual role, about which very little has been written. It informs leadership preparation programs, graduate students, researchers, and policy makers about the need for nuanced culturally responsive training for rural educational leaders.


2019 ◽  
Vol 24 (4) ◽  
pp. 440-455
Author(s):  
Corina Todoran ◽  
Claudette Peterson

In the wake of the U.S. government’s executive orders restricting travel from six Muslim-majority countries (Iran, Libya, Somalia, Sudan, Syria, and Yemen) in January 2017, we collected data from four focus groups consisting of international doctoral students aiming to provide insight on the following research question: How do international doctoral students make sense of the U.S. political climate on their lived experiences? This article contributes to the literature by discussing a timely issue concerning international students in the United States and points out that the 2017 travel ban has affected not only international doctoral students from those banned countries but has also alarmed students from other countries, who described the climate as stressful, confusing, and hostile. Several students changed their travel plans for conferences or family visits being worried that they might not be able to reenter the United States. Other students feared the immigration rules might suddenly change and affect their visa status. Students also expressed their concerns in regard to job prospects after graduation. This article derives from a larger qualitative study exploring the experiences of international doctoral students in the U.S. academic and cultural settings.


1992 ◽  
Vol 49 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 121-151 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrew Calabrese ◽  
Janet Wasko

This article describes cable systems in the United States and the ongoing processes of commercialization and concentration, as well as accompanying critical trends in technological development. Current policy issues are covered as a background to our discussion of issues relating to the nature of public communication in the U.S. The principle issues dealt with in this article are the closely related matters of what defines a public forum in the U.S. context of cable television and whose rights of freedom of expression must be considered in deciding the future structure of the industry.


Author(s):  
Democrit Zamanapulov

Introduction. In Russian historiography, the issue of the reasons for the beginning of the U.S. special operations in Nicaragua is a complex problem that requires careful development due to its importance as one of the elements of the confrontation during the Cold War. The scientific relevance of this issue is determined by the insufficient degree of its study. The socio-political relevance is related to the current military-political situation in the world in general and the actions of the United States in particular, which, as part of ensuring their national security, use special operations to achieve certain goals and objectives. An example of this is the U.S.-led special operation to destroy Osama bin Laden, during which the sovereignty of Pakistan was violated. Another example of U.S. special operations at the present stage is Washington’s support of the “proxy” forces loyal to it in Syria. Special operations conducted by the United States in Nicaragua during the first half of the 80s were in many ways the main tool for achieving U.S. state interests in this country. In this regard, it seems that a detailed consideration of the first attempt in the history of the United States to conduct a global special operation, which began with the program of supporting the anti-Communist forces “Contras” in Nicaragua, which was later funded by the illegal supply of American weapons to Iran, would be useful for the domestic scientific doctrine. Methods and materials. In the course of the research, the historical-comparative method, the method of analysis and synthesis, as well as the system approach are applied. The study uses: 1) a set of unpublished materials on the special activities of the United States in Nicaragua, declassified in connection with the “Iran-Contra” scandal, and contained on the electronic website of the National Security Archive at the George Washington University; 2) published sources related to the Cold War; 3) scientific literature on the problems of U.S. special operations during the cold war; 4) memoir literature. Analysis. This article analyzes the reasons that influenced the decision of the U.S. political leadership to authorize special operations in Nicaragua based on the documents and materials studied in the Iran-Contra Affair. Results. The scientific development of the problems of the U.S. special policy in Nicaragua was observed back in the 80s in the USSR. However, it was conducted in hot pursuit, it was biased, considered a complex set of processes taking place in Central America from the perspective of the Marxist-Leninist doctrine, and did not take into account the American position, which made the scientific assessment of these events less complete and justified. New studies of this period take this factor into account, are based on new methods and previously unknown to the scientific community documents and materials that were declassified after the end of the Cold War. Results. In the course of the study, an attempt was made to highlight the mechanism for the development and implementation of U.S. special operations in Nicaragua. The author concludes that the use of the National Security Council personnel for special operations was conditioned by the need to avoid legislative restrictions of the U.S. Congress when implementing U.S. foreign policy in Nicaragua.


Author(s):  
Marharyta Lymar ◽  
Iryna Tykhonenko

The purpose of the article is to explore proliferation of firearms in the United States due to social problems (mass shootings) and public demand for increasing gun control. Primary challenges cover exploring the U.S. firearms history, which provides a key to understanding the causes of the current situation in this area; reviewing of Americans’ attitudes toward gun ownership; studying the U.S. foreign policy in the context of arms exports from Ukraine to the United States. Moreover, attention is paid to exploring the influence of the National Rifle Association (NRA) on Donald Trump’s decision on arms control and a comparative analysis of his gun policy with the policy of his predecessors. The methodological basis of the study includes a set of general and special research methods. Systematic approach is used to consider the U.S. gun policy as a complex system with the determinism of domestic and foreign policy levels. A significant role is played by descriptive-historical and chronological methods that allow to examine the evolution of the U.S. legal framework for firearms and small-arms control. The comparative method makes it possible to compare the approaches of George W. Bush’s, Barack Obama’s and Donald Trump’s administrations to the gun policy. The statistical method allows to consider the peculiarities of the U.S. exports of small arms and Ukraine’s exports of such type of weapons to the USA. The scientific novelty lies in one of the first attempts among Ukrainian authors to make a comprehensive analysis of the interdependence of internal and external aspects of firearms trafficking among the U.S. civilians. In this context, the paper examines the U.S.–Ukrainian relations. The study concludes that the U.S. gun traditions are the main stumbling block for tightening firearms legislation. On the gun issue, the U.S. domestic policy, which is heavily influenced by the NRA, determines the state’s foreign policy. At the same time, society is demanding reforms aimed at restricting the possession of firearms by the civilian population, which may increase the level of domestic security.


2011 ◽  
Vol 66 (3) ◽  
pp. 349-373 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ivan Katchanovski ◽  
Stanley Rothman ◽  
Neil Nevitte

This study analyzes attitudes towards faculty unions and collective bargaining among faculty and administrators in the United States and Canada. This is the first study which compares support for unionization and collective bargaining in American and Canadian universities among faculty members and administrators. The main research question is: Which factors are the determinants of attitudes towards faculty unions and collective bargaining in American and Canadian universities and colleges? Our hypotheses are that cultural, institutional, political, positional, socio-economic, and academic factors are significant predictors of support for faculty unionization. The academics in Canada are likely to be more supportive of faculty unionism compared to their American counterparts because of differences in national political cultures. Institutional and political factors are also likely to affect such views. This study uses comparative and regression analyses of data from the 1999 North American Academic Study Survey to examine attitudes towards unions and collective bargaining among faculty and administrators in the United States and Canada. The analysis shows that Canadian academics are more supportive of faculty unions and collective bargaining than their American counterparts. These results provide support to the political culture hypothesis. However, the study shows that institutional, political, positional, socio-economic and academic factors are also important in many cases. A faculty bargaining agent on campus is positively associated with favorable views of faculty unions and collective bargaining among American professors and with administrators’ support for collective bargaining in both countries. Administrators’ opposition is also important, in particular, for attitudes of Canadian faculty. Professors are more pro-union than administrators in both countries. Income, gender, race, age, religion, and academic field, are significant determinants of attitudes of faculty and administrators in the US and Canada in certain cases.


Worldview ◽  
1963 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 3-5
Author(s):  
Joseph I. Coffey

Since the end of World War II, the United States has aimed at deterring aggression against this country or its allies by a judicious combination of longlange nuclear striking forces and other forces armed with both nuclear and conventional weapons. (The verb "to deter" is defined as "to inhibit" or, in a more absolute usage, as "to prevent." One of the ambiguities of the concept of deterrence is that no one, including ourselves, is clear as to which usage is meant, much less which may prevail.) Of late years, as the Soviet Union achieved and developed a nuclear capability, deterrence has increasingly rested on the ability of the United States to launch a devastating retaliatory blow against anyone attacking the U.S. or, by extension, our allies.


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