Morocco: Anatomy of A Palace Revolution that Failed

1978 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 63-72
Author(s):  
Frank H. Braun

The process of modernization in Morocco is dramatically symptomized by the decline of traditional authority. Postindependence politics have been in a state of permanent crisis, and the monarchy could only survive as any other political alternative promised imminent chaos. The abortive military coup of Skhirat in July 1971 was only another link in the chain of events that have perpetuated internal crisis. The army's massive interference in national politics was, however, a novelty. It had the effect of greatly accelerating the latent process of disintegration of traditional society and politics.

Author(s):  
Claudio Sopranzetti

On May 19, 2010, the Royal Thai Army deployed tanks, snipers, and other weapons of war to disperse thousands of protesters who had taken over the commercial center of Bangkok. For the two months, these protesters, known as the Red Shirts, had frozen traffic at the Ratchaprasong intersection, the center of elite consumption as well as economic and physical mobility in the city. The protesters demanded democratic elections and an end to political and economic inequality. Motorcycle taxi drivers were key to this protest; they slowed, filtered, and severed the movement of people, commodities, and information. In so doing, they claimed a prominent role in national politics and control over Bangkok, and they challenged the hegemony of state forces. Four years later, the general who had directed the Red Shirts’ dispersal staged a military coup. This erased all the progress that had been made by the protest and plunged the country into an era of dictatorship and repression. This time, the taxi drivers were silenced and restrained. How could state power be so fragile and open to challenges in 2010 and yet so sturdy four years later? How could motorcycle taxi drivers who fearlessly resisted military violence in 2010 remain silent?Owners of the Map attempts to answer these questions—central to contemporary political mobilizations around the globe—through an ethnographic study of some of the two hundred thousand motorcycle taxi drivers in Bangkok. Exploring the entanglements between their everyday mobility and political mobilization, the author reveals the unresolved tensions in the drivers’ everyday lives, desires, and political demands amid the restructuring of Thai capitalism following the 1997 economic crisis. In so doing, this book explores mobility not just as a strength of contemporary capitalism but also as one of its fragile spots, always prone to disruption by the people who sustain its channels but are excluded from its benefits. In doing so, this book advances an analysis of power that does not focus on the sturdiness of hegemony or the ubiquity of everyday resistance but reveals its potential fragility, as well as the work needed for its maintenance.


2009 ◽  
Vol 41 (3) ◽  
pp. 493-526 ◽  
Author(s):  
CLAUDIO ROBLES-ORTIZ

AbstractUsing a variety of new sources directly pertaining to different types of rural estate, and contrary to interpretations of rural Chile as a traditional society unaffected by economic modernisation, this article analyses the transition of the hacienda system in central Chile towards agrarian capitalism during the period of export-led growth from the 1860s to 1930. It argues that the expansion of the ‘landowner enterprise’, along with developments in mechanisation and irrigation, resulted in the marginalisation of the precarious ‘peasant enterprises’ operated by tenants and the gradual proletarianisation of the agricultural workforce. The development of agrarian capitalism transformed the collective action of rural workers, which assumed modern forms such as strikes and unionisation, and thus became significant in national politics. The first wave of rural conflicts, which took place in the early 1920s, can therefore be understood as the response of the emerging rural working class to the agrarian expansion that Chile experienced as part of the process of capitalist modernisation.


2008 ◽  
Vol 49 (3) ◽  
pp. 419-444 ◽  
Author(s):  
WALE ADEBANWI

ABSTRACTAncestors occupy a central place in African cosmologies and social practices. The death and the remembrance of Lt-Col. Adekunle Fajuyi, the Military Governor of Western Nigeria who was killed during a military coup in 1966, is used in this essay to critique the assumptions in the literature about ancestors, by linking the recent dead with the long dead in a lineage of ancestral practices. I focus on the ways in which Fajuyi's death was used in constructing ethno-national memory and history in the context of 21st-century challenges faced by the Yoruba in national politics, particularly in relation to unequal ethno-regional relations. Here, I attempt to historicize commemoration as a ritual of ethno-national validation.


2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (6) ◽  
pp. 22-31
Author(s):  
Chiemela Wambu ◽  
Chinyere Ecoma

For the greater part of its existence as a sovereign state, Nigeria has witnessed more years of military than civilian rule. An excursion into this very important aspect of our national history must, of necessity, interrogate the circumstances and dramatis personae that led to the military’s intervention in national politics. One name that has never escaped the scrutiny in this effort is that of Major Chukwuma Kaduna Nzeogwu. Though a posthumous research, the intention of this paper is to attempt a reappraisal of the often ignored, misinterpreted and maligned intentions of the principal actors of the January 15, 1966 military coup d’etat, especially the role of Nzeogwu. In order to achieve this objective, the research made use of both primary and secondary sources of data. These were subjected to initial qualitative analysis. The research concludes that part of the reasons for the misinterpretation of Nzeogwu’s role is the need to justify the failure of the government of the First Republic to satisfy the basic human and material needs of Nigeria. In addition, it establishes the fact that subsequent political equations and configurations in Nigeria have evidently been to the benefit of those who have been at pains to justify the brutality that attended the January 1966 coup d’etat.


2017 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 21-40 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ibrahim Sirkeci

Doğu ve güney komşuları üzerinde gelen göç akınlarının ve üye ülkeler arasındaki göçlerin artışıyla Avrupa Birliği (AB) en büyük krizlerinden birini yaşamaktadır. Avrupa’daki en ana tartışma konuları arasında Avrupa’ya göçü ve AB içindeki göçü sınırlamak ve üye ülkeler arasında mülteci kotası ve külfet paylaşımına yapılan itirazlar yer aldı. Bu krizde Türkiye anahtar ülke olarak ortaya çıktı ve ülkedeki büyük Suriyeli mülteci nüfusu ve bu nüfusun Avrupa’ya gitmesini engellemesi karşılığında vaat edilen milyarlarca Avro nedeniyle tartışmaların odağında yer aldı. Suriye krizi 4,8 milyon mülteci yarattı ve 2016 yılı sonu itibariyle bunların 2,8 milyonu Türkiye’de ikamet etmekteydi. Suriyeli mültecilere karşı cömert tavrıyla Türkiye güvenli bir ülke olarak tescil edilmiş oldu. Bu, hikayenin daha karanlık bir başka yüzünü gölgelemektedir. Çünkü aynı ülkenin vatandaşları 1980 askeri darbesinden bu yana milyonu aşkın sığınma başvurusu yaptılar. Ülkenin bugünkü şartları ve yeni veriler, Türkiye’den AB’ye yönelen daha çok mülteci akını olacağını gösteriyor. ABSTRACT IN ENGLISHTurkey’s refugees, Syrians and refugees from Turkey: a country of insecurityThe European Union (EU) has faced one of its biggest crises with the rise of population inflows through its Eastern and Southern neighbours as well as movements within the Union. In 2016, the main debate that dominated Europe was on restricting migration within and into the EU along with concerns and objections to the refugee quota systems and the sharing of the burden among member states. Turkey emerged as a ‘gate keeper’ in this crisis and has since been at the centre of debates because of the large Syrian refugee population in the country and billions of Euros it was promised to prevent refugees travelling to Europe. The Syrian crisis produced over 4.8 million refugees with over 2.8 million were based in Turkey by the end of 2016. Turkey with its generous support for Syrian refugees has been confirmed as a ‘country of security’. This shadows the darker side of affairs as the very same country has also produced millions of asylum seekers since the 1980 military coup. Current circumstances and fresh evidence indicate that there will be more EU bound refugees coming through and from Turkey. 


Paragraph ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 42 (2) ◽  
pp. 170-187
Author(s):  
James Penney

This essay explores how the image of the Chief of Police dressed as a giant phallus is the often overlooked and misconstrued key to the interpretation of Jean Genet's canonical play The Balcony (1956). Drawing on, but also moving beyond, the invaluable readings of Alain Badiou and Jacques Lacan in their respective seminars, it argues that the motif of the Chief's costume condenses the play's insightful, and more relevant than ever, examination of the functioning of ideology in the visible world. Genet's play is a theatrical allegory for ideology's workings at a historical juncture when spontaneous identification with, and therefore allegiance to, traditional authority figures is no longer possible as it presumably once was. A proper appreciation of the comedic moment of the play sheds ironic light on its final vision of conservative restoration, generating precious insights about the workings of contemporary power and the renaissance of authoritarianism at the twilight of the liberal era.


2005 ◽  
Vol 59 (3) ◽  
pp. 357-375 ◽  
Author(s):  
Frauke Heard-Bey

Nationals represent barely 20% of the population in the United Arab Emirates, but form the economically and socially privileged group of UAE citizens. The Rulers of the seven emirates were able to retain the historical loyalty of the “Emiratis” by advancing the economic development of the individual states, while Abu Dhabi-financed federal development helped to create a viable national state. Democratization is not of the same urgency as in some neighboring Gulf countries.


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