scholarly journals DEATH, NATIONAL MEMORY AND THE SOCIAL CONSTRUCTION OF HEROISM

2008 ◽  
Vol 49 (3) ◽  
pp. 419-444 ◽  
Author(s):  
WALE ADEBANWI

ABSTRACTAncestors occupy a central place in African cosmologies and social practices. The death and the remembrance of Lt-Col. Adekunle Fajuyi, the Military Governor of Western Nigeria who was killed during a military coup in 1966, is used in this essay to critique the assumptions in the literature about ancestors, by linking the recent dead with the long dead in a lineage of ancestral practices. I focus on the ways in which Fajuyi's death was used in constructing ethno-national memory and history in the context of 21st-century challenges faced by the Yoruba in national politics, particularly in relation to unequal ethno-regional relations. Here, I attempt to historicize commemoration as a ritual of ethno-national validation.

2018 ◽  
Vol 17 (5) ◽  
pp. 87-98
Author(s):  
I. A. Kukushkin

Purpose. We aimed at studying the traditions and world views of the Andronovo population of the steppe bronze. Due to the absence of direct written sources and zoo-anthropomorphic pictorial tradition on the subject, the burial practice of the Andronovo population, whose detailing presupposes the existence of extensive mythological ritual knowledge concentrated in the worldview sphere, is the foreground of research as the main informative base. Results. The earliest evidence that specifies certain aspects of the worldview of the ancient society appears at the dawn of the Andronovo era. The finds of stone and bronze maces are curious, which, obviously, marked the patrimonial military aristocracy, closely connected with the cult of the military deity. Of great interest are paired and double burials in which a man and woman were buried. It can be assumed that such a burial rite is a practical realization of the sacred marriage, the participants of which are heterosexual twins, close in content to Yama-Yami or Yima-Yimak. Regular reproduction in the funeral practice of the ritual of twin burials indicates that the heterosexual twins were given a significant place in the religious and mythological system of the ancient society. A certain place in the system of religious priorities was occupied by twins of the same sex, in particular males, such as, for example, the Vedic Ashvins. Double burials of the deceased of the same sex in specially prepared burial chambers, where skeletons of different sexes are usually located, are excluded, which excludes their marriage relations and makes us see in the ritual contemplated a twin, possibly, a ritual burial. There was another, more complex and rare rite of the triple burial, which includes a woman occupying the central place and two men located on each side. Such triple burials symbolize the triune image of the goddess and two twins, obviously the elder and younger, widespread in Indo-European mythology. Conclusion. Based on the well-known mythology of the funeral rite reproduced in the ritual, a whole series of sacred actions are observed pointing to the developed cults of various deities close to the Indo-Iranian pantheon and playing a fundamental role in the religious mythological representations of the ancient society. However, it should be borne in mind that the polytheism of antiquity is a dynamically changing system rather than a static, «petrified» structure, which visually demonstrates the successive stages of the social and economic development of the society itself.


Author(s):  
Raid Khan ◽  
Amna Mahmood ◽  
Asif Salim

The Arab Spring was assumed to reform the prevailing regime pattern and to bring socio-economic reforms. However, it failed to get its intended outcomes at large. The objectives of the revolution that are to bring a positive transformation in the social, economic, and political domains were not attained effectively and was considered a failed revolution in the case of Egypt and Syria. The present paper focuses on exploring the reasons and factors behind its failure in the particular context of Egypt and Syria. Although Egypt observed regime transition from dictatorship to democracy, yet within one and a half year, a military coup overthrew the democratically elected government of Mohammad Morsi, and the military regime was reinstalled. In the case of Syria, since 2011, a civil war is going on where Bashar-ul-Asad still holds dictatorial powers. The study reveals that the lack of stable political institutions, weak democratic norms, and the absence of a vibrant civil society paved the way for state authorities to rule out the attempts of protestors. Excluding a few of the countries, the rest of the Middle Eastern countries are still ruled by the powerful elites. The successes of the Arab Spring are still to be awaited.


2013 ◽  
pp. 1-17
Author(s):  
Enrique Leff

Renovating our thinking as humankind (rethinking nature, culture and development) is an imperative to approach the challenges of environmental crisis and to orient the social construction of a sustainable world. If environmental crisis is a predicament of knowledge, beyond the task of reinventing science, innovating technology and managing information, we must face the challenge of inventing new ways of thinking, organizing and acting in the world; of reorienting our ethical principles, modes of production and social practices for the construction of a sustainable civilization. Innovation for sustainability is drawn by alternative rationalities. I will argue that rationality of modernity has limited capacities to reestablish the ecological balance of the planet, while environmental rationality opens new perspectives to sustainability: the construction of a new economic paradigm based on neguentropic productivity, a politics of difference and an ethic of otherness. Paramount to this purpose is the contribution of Latin American Environmental Thinking.


Hypatia ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 28 (4) ◽  
pp. 716-732 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ásta Kristjana Sveinsdóttir

Social construction theorists face a certain challenge to the effect that they confuse the epistemic and the metaphysical: surely our conceptions of something are influenced by social practices, but that doesn't show that the nature of the thing in question is so influenced. In this paper I take up this challenge and offer a general framework to support the claim that a human kind is socially constructed, when this is understood as a metaphysical claim and as a part of a social constructionist debunking project. I give reasons for thinking that a conferralist framework is better equipped to capture the social constructionist intuition than rival accounts of social properties, such as a constitution account and a response‐dependence account, and that this framework helps to diagnose what is at stake in the debate between the social constructionists and their opponents. The conferralist framework offered here should be welcomed by social constructionists looking for firm foundations for their claims, and for anyone else interested in the debate over the social construction of human kinds.


2005 ◽  
Vol 44 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 283-357 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hélgio Trindade

The article analyzes the development of social sciences in Brazil from a historical-sociological standpoint as seen through the construction of three disciplines: sociology, anthropology and political science. Beginning with the political and cultural context and the pre-sociology “essayism” phase, the author outlines the initial foundation and institutionalization of the social sciences (1934-64), which started with the foundation of the University of São Paulo and ended with the military coup d’état in 1964. He then goes on to analyze the crisis of the “Populist Republic” and the impact of the ideological radicalization on the social sciences, with an emphasis on the paradox of their simultaneous professionalization and consolidation through research and teaching under the military dictatorship (1965-83). Finally, the author turns to the democratic transition that ended in the “New Republic” (1984-2003), stressing the nationalization of the social sciences and the parallel diversification and split between teaching and research. The analysis of the three historical periods addresses the dynamics of the social sciences and their relationship with the central and the federal states, the hierarchy of disciplines, the dominant topics and international exchange. In conclusion, the author raises the question that is fundamental for the future, that of the crisis of national and international funding for the social sciences.


Author(s):  
Maya Lorena Pérez Ruiz

In this article I propose to analyze the social construction of youth among the population of Yaxcabá, Yucatán, Mexico, using ethno-history, linguistics and anthropology. I demonstrate the continuity and differences of what it means to be young in Mayan culture, paying attention to the differences and inequalities between men and women, shown by Mayan language and certain social practices and beliefs. I finally analyze what high school students think about what it means to be Maya, to be young and whether or not they conceive themselves as Mayans.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Jeremy Todd

<p>Transnational oil and gas pipelines have a troublesome history of disagreements and disputes that in many cases have led to a cessation of supply. While geopolitics and weak international institutions are often pointed to as explanations, considering pipelines as social as well as material constructs can also shed light on why disputes emerge. This paper will consider the social construction of the Myanmar-China pipelines. In China, the pipelines are seen as the solution to China’s ‘Malacca dilemma’. In Myanmar, the changing political situation has allowed new actors to contest the military junta’s narrative of economic development and the pipelines have become a lightning rod for national conversations about local resource ownership, social and environmental norms and Chinese exploitation of Myanmar’s energy resources.</p>


This paper gains a better understanding of the relation between Guarda Nacional Republicana (GNR) officers and citizens from Évora and Setúbal districts. Currently, boost the relationship between militaries and the population it´s a strategic goal of Guarda Nacional Republicana, namely work to convey a credible and professional image, contrasting with the social representations and old stereotypes that persist in haunting the institution's image from the times of the Estado Novo. In fact, through literature review, surveys and interviews we were able to understand how the social representations of Guarda Nacional Republicana militaries have evolved since the beginning of the 21st century in the districts mentioned above, that is, investigate the opinion and representation of the society about the militaries by carrying out a comparative study. As main conclusions, we point out that the social representation of Guarda Nacional Republicana officers have evolved quite positively since the beginning of the 21st century to the present day, leading us to conclude also that the old stereotype (strongly negative for the image of the military) is almost completely depleted. The study’s conclusions also point towards the importance of culture and values, age, ethnicity, and place of residence of the citizens have in relationship and opinion with this professional class.


Author(s):  
Vijay Naidu

The Republic of Fiji is a small archipelagic state of less than a million people in the southwest Pacific. It has a relatively minuscule military force in global terms but is the largest among the island states of Oceania. The size of the Republic (formerly “Royal”) Fiji Military Forces (RFMF) in the early 21st century is due to its role in peacekeeping for the United Nations. The Fijian military became entangled in Fiji politics having usurped political power on four separate occasions in the last 30 years, and it can be unequivocally said that there has been a militarization of politics. At first, the military’s involvement in national politics was on the behest of defeated politicians but, 30 years later, the military itself has become a major political player. This is most evident by the fact that former military commanders and coup. The military has becoming a powerful player in Fiji politics has occurred in haphazard but overwhelming ways. Fiji politics has an ever-present “elephant in the room” which is the RFMF.


2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 43-56
Author(s):  
Siti Kholifah

This study examines the social practices of Islamic boarding schools in Jombang in the 2019 elections. It aims to analyze the role and capital exchange between Islamic boarding schools in Jombang and political parties. This study is important because the intersection of Islamic boarding schools and politics has been going on since colonial times until now. The political dynamics of Islamic boarding schools cannot be separated from NU because several NU Kiai are in the vortex of local and national politics. In the 2019 presidential election, a Kiai of NU named Kiai Ma’ruf Amin ran as Jokowi’s partner to be a vice president. As a place for the establishment of NU, Islamic boarding schools in Jombang have a magnet in gaining votes both in the legislative and presidential elections in 2019. By using Pierre ’Bourdieu’s theory as an analytical tool, this research conducted a case study approach. Data collection techniques carried out through interviews, observation, and documentation. The informants are determined purposively. The results of this study indicate that the exchange of capital between Islamic boarding schools and political parties is dominated by symbolic capital exchanges of Islamic boarding schools with the social capital of political elites and political parties. The blue bloodline of Islamic boarding schools and seniority of a Kiai or Nyai have an essential role in determining the reproductive strategy and capital exchange with political parties. Also, the dominance of social practices carried out in Islamic boarding schools. The power of symbolic capital and social capital of NU Islamic boarding school became a tool for conducting bargaining positions with elite political parties, including presidential and vice-presidential candidates. In the end, the capital exchange between Islamic boarding schools and political parties became obvious in getting votes in the 2019 elections.


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