THE OTHER FRONTIERS OF ARAB NATIONALISM: IBADIS, BERBERS, AND THE ARABIST-SALAFI PRESS IN THE INTERWAR PERIOD

2010 ◽  
Vol 42 (1) ◽  
pp. 105-122 ◽  
Author(s):  
Amal N. Ghazal

The historiography of Arab nationalism has tended to concentrate on the secular press from the Mashriq, especially the Cairo–Beirut axis, at the expense of the religious nationalist press and the non-Mashriqi one. There is often an assumption that reliance on the secular press from the Mashriq alone can provide a clear picture of Arab intellectual life and that a proper analysis of that thought can be confined to a few intellectual centers in the eastern Arab world. Although there has never been an explicit claim that such a focus is the end of the story, there have not been enough attempts to look beyond the Cairo–Beirut axis and beyond its secular press organs in search of a broader story of the depth and breadth of Arab nationalism. This article addresses this imbalance by examining an Arabist-Salafi press network that operated between Algeria, Tunisia, Zanzibar, and Egypt and involved members of two sectarian communities, Sunnis and Ibadis. This Arabist-Salafi press network created a public sphere of intellectual engagement in which Salafism and nationalism were interwoven, producing a nationalist discourse transgressing post World War I borders of identity and linking the three layers of nationalism—the territorial, the Pan-Arab, and the Pan-Islamic—together. These layers not only intersected but also legitimized one another.

2010 ◽  
Vol 42 (1) ◽  
pp. 122a-122a
Author(s):  
Amal N. Ghazal

This article examines an Arabist-Salafi press network in the interwar period that operated between Algeria, Tunisia, Zanzibar, and Cairo and involved members of two sectarian communities, Sunnis and Ibadis. This Arabist-Salafi press network created a public sphere of intellectual engagement in which Salafism and nationalism were interwoven, producing a nationalist discourse transgressing post World War I borders of identity and linking the three layers of nationalism—the territorial, the Pan-Arab, and the Pan-Islamic—together. These layers not only intersected but also legitimized one another. Thus, this article not only expands the geographic horizons of Arab nationalism but also contributes to the scholarship examining the correlation between Islam and national identity in the interwar period.


2001 ◽  
Vol 18 (4) ◽  
pp. 179-182
Author(s):  
Donald Reid

Thirty years in the making, this ambitious book covers the first forty-threeyears of the life of Abd al-Rahman Azzam Pasha, the political activist andwriter who became the first secretary-general of the Arab League (1945-1952). Few biographies of public figures in the Arab world have treatedtheir subjects in comparable depth and detail. The Making of an EgyptianArab Nationalist is essential reading for anyone seriously interested in thecomplexities of evolving national and religious identities in 20th-century Egypt.Coury sets out to refute interpretations elaborated by such scholars asElie Kedourie, P. J. Vatikiotis, Nadav Safran, and Richard Mitchell thirtyor forty years ago. He argues that their works, reflecting the influence ofOrientalism, perpetuated false assumptions that Islam and Arab cultureharbored essentialist and atomistic tendencies toward extremism,irrationality, and violence. He maintains that in treating 20th-centuryEgypt, they set up a false dichotomy between a rational, western-inspiredterritorial patriotism and irrational, artificial pan- Arab and Islamicmovements. Ahmad Lutfi al-Sayyid's circle before World War I and theWafd Party in the interwar period represented the first school who opposedBritish imperialism but were eager to borrow western rationalism, science,secular liberalism, and democracy. In the 1930s this moderate patriotismbegan to give way before pan-Arab and Islamic movements tainted with theextremism, terrorism, and irrationality which the West has long attributedto Islam.Coury cites hopefully revisionist works by Rashid Khalidi, PhilipKhoury, Ernest Dawn, and Hassan Kayali but is dismayed that other recentstudies have perpetuated the old, hostile stereotypes. "Martin Kramer'sArab Awakening and Islamic Revival (1996)," he says, "reveals that eventhe old-fashioned Kedourie-style hysteria, compounded, as it sometimes is,by Zionist rage (Kramer refers to Edward Said as Columbia's 'part-timeprofessor of Palestine') is still alive and well . . . "Coury insists that Azzam's "Egyptian Arab nationalism" sprang from theperspectives, needs, and interests of an upper and middle bourgeoisiefacing specific challenges. The rank and file following came from a lower ...


2005 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 101-104
Author(s):  
Shadi Hamid

In Arab Nationalism in the Twentieth Century, aptly subtitled From Triumphto Despair, Adeed Dawisha provides us a most compelling narrative. He tells of a time, not long ago, when Arabs still believed that a glorious futurewas ahead of them. Today, the very thought of a fiery, charismatic Arableader, adored by his people and rising to oppose the West, seems silly andunrealistic. But four decades ago, Egyptian President Gamal Abd al-Nasserwas hailed as nothing less than a modern-day savior, and it seemed – if onlyfor an instant – that the unification of the Arab world was not just probable,but a historical inevitability. Dawisha goes beyond the successes, excesses,and outright failures that defined Arab nationalism at its height. Using awide variety of English and Arabic source material, he weaves a complicatedpicture, analyzing in detail how Arab nationalism was born and how itwould die just as quickly.Central to his argument is that, from the beginning, Arab nationalismfaced an uphill battle in its bid to win over an otherwise indifferent (and illiterate)populace. The author takes particular issue with George Antonious’thesis that leading up to World War I, the region’s elites and masses had beenstirred by “the Arab will to freedom.” It would prove terribly difficult for thenationalists to compete with entrenched pan-Islamic identities. For this reason,the most prominent early advocates of the nationalist ideal wereChristian, such as the Syrians Negib Azoury and Ibrahim al-Yajizi. TheMuslim elites were suspicious, seeing in Arab nationalism, with its secularemphasis, a perfidious plot to divide them ...


Author(s):  
David Ottaway ◽  
Marina Ottaway

First came the disintegration of the Ottoman Empire following World War I; then, in the 1950s and ’60s, the Nasser-inspired wave of Arab nationalism and socialism. The Arab world’s third great political cataclysm of the past 100 years—the 2011 uprisings—has also brought permanent changes, but not as its activists had hoped.Their consequences have differed greatly from area to area, splintering the Arab region into four different worlds. The Levant states have disintegrated, possibly irreversibly. The Gulf monarchies have embarked on far-reaching plans of economic and social change to stave off discontent. Egypt has retreated into military authoritarianism and a war on Islamists, threatening its future stability. Only the Maghreb countries, which have started integrating Islamists into their political systems, offer some hope for progress toward democracy. Marina and David Ottaway have brought together fifty years of experience observing the Arab world, and a wealth of first-hand information gathered from living and travelling extensively in the region. A Tale of Four Worlds is an indispensable analysis of the profound upheavals that have shaken—and continue to transform—Arab and global politics.


2020 ◽  
Vol 62 (4) ◽  
pp. 895-925
Author(s):  
Leor Halevi

AbstractIn 1922, one of the most famous Muslim scholars of modern times, the Syrian-Egyptian reformer Rashīd Riḍā, published in his journal a detailed fatwa in defense of alcohol. He did so in reaction to an obscure Indian jurist's fatwa that had warned Muslims not to use alcoholic products. On the surface, the authors of the fatwas appeared to be principally concerned with the right way to interpret sacred laws of purity and pollution. However, this article reveals that their disagreement had much to do with differing approaches to the politics of independence. Their divergence is intriguing because the cities where they lived, Cairo and Bombay, had just experienced the convulsions of anti-British consumer boycotts. And it emerged at a time when anti-imperial Muslim activists from the Middle East and South Asia were rallying together for a pan-Islamic cause—to prevent the final collapse of the caliphate. These movements swayed both Riḍā and his rival, who may well be described as Muslim nationalists. Yet they embraced radically different strategies for independence. One aimed for national purity, the other for national power. This discrepancy led to the battle of fatwas—a forgotten battle that is worth remembering because it suggests some of the difficulties that Muslim jurists of Arab or Indian ancestry faced during the interwar period when they tried to turn Islamic law into an effective nationalist discourse.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
M. Balaji

The monetary policy of British India was highly controversial during the interwar period as it aimed to protect the budgetary obligations and private commerce. The currency stabilization policy was seen as a tool to protect the British economic interest while they ruled India. The currency came under serious pressure during the World War I and Great depression, the facets of Indian currency’s dependence was exposed through the modified council bill system and Gold exchange standard. The much-needed currency reforms and banking system were conceded by the colonial administration after much wrangling for half a century.


2021 ◽  
Vol 123 ◽  
pp. 01027
Author(s):  
Yifei Liu

World War I (WWI) causes irreversible consequences on the British economy, and Britain has experienced the most severe economic crisis in the 1920s. This paper aims to explain the causes of unemployment in Britain in the years between the wars and why that problem persisted for much of that period. This paper will describe the causes of unemployment by analyzing how World War I affected the British exports market. Then this essay will move on by exploring how the economic policy of Britain after World War II(WWII) damages the exports market and creates high unemployment. In addition, this paper will also discuss the relationship between the change in the labour market in World War I and the unemployment problem. Finally, this paper will illustrate why the unemployment problem persists by exploring regional and industrial unemployment issues.


Author(s):  
Keren Yarhi-Milo

This chapter focuses on British assessments of Nazi Germany’s intentions during the interwar period (1934–1939). It outlines the predictions generated by each of the four explanations about perceived intentions and examines changes in German military capabilities, doctrine, and actions during this period. The chapter first considers the hypothetical arguments of the selective attention thesis and highlights its predictions for this case, focusing on the vividness hypothesis, the subjective credibility hypothesis, and the organizational expertise hypothesis. It then derives predictions for each of the competing theses, namely: capabilities thesis, strategic military doctrine thesis, and behavior thesis. The findings suggest that Britain’s perceptions of Germany from 1934 to 1939 were shaped by costly actions that had been undertaken by the latter well before Adolf Hitler rose to power in January 1933.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-38
Author(s):  
Ivo Maes

Robert Triffin was born in 1911 in Flobecq, Belgium. It was a turbulent period. At the age of 24, the young Triffin had already lived through World War I, monetary and financial turmoil after the war, the Great Depression, the 1935 Belgian franc devaluation, and the rise of fascism. In this chapter, the early period of Triffin’s life is discussed. It focuses on his undergraduate studies at Louvain University, his doctoral studies at Harvard, and his early academic career. During these years, like many people of his generation, Triffin became a profound pacifist. Moreover, as an economist, he became convinced that the market economy was fundamentally unstable. Special attention is paid to his two major publications during these years: an article on the 1935 devaluation of the Belgian franc (Triffin made the calculations) and his PhD on monopolistic competition and general equilibrium theory.


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