scholarly journals “Não é mole não, pedi transporte público e me deram um caveirão”: uma descrição não distanciada das manifestações políticas de junho e julho de 2013 no Rio de Janeiro

ILUMINURAS ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 14 (33) ◽  
Author(s):  
Anelise Dos Santos Gutterres

 O mês de junho de 2013 ficou conhecido pela quantidade de protestos e manifestações políticas, que levaram milhões de pessoas às ruas. No interior desse atos as reivindicações se desdobraram das iniciais – que questionavam as remoções para as obras da Copa e eram contra o aumento da passagem - e se tornaram igualmente numerosas. A repressão policial às manifestações foi violenta e o fim da polícia militar se tornou uma reivindicação no processo de construção dos atos nas ruas. Esse relato descreve os protestos e manifestações no Brasil a partir de minha experiência enquanto manifestante nas ruas do Rio de Janeiro. O que descreverei aqui está entre as duas dimensões, por vezes antagônicas, que a etnografia acaba nos impondo: a neutralidade e o "afetamento". Palavras-chave: Protestos. Rio de Janeiro. Favela. Repressão policial. Etnografia“It's not easy, I ask for public mobility and government sends Skull[1] against me” – a close up narrative of the political protests between 2013 june and july in Rio de Janeiro. Abstract June 2013 became famous for the amount of protests and political events that led millions of people to the streets. Within this demonstrations, the initial claims unfolded, questioning removal for the works made in the cities for the World Cup and standing against the fare increase for public transportation, and became numerous. The repression exerted by the police against demonstrations and the dissolution of Military Police became one of the claims demanded on the streets. This report is a description of what happened between the two dimensions, sometimes antagonistic, that ethnography imposes: neutrality and “being affected”.   Key-words: Protests. Rio de Janeiro. Slum. Repression police. Ethnography. [1] Skull is the nickname for the Bushwacker the Special Operations Corps of Rio de Janeiro's Police, and this verse was one of the many slogans sang by the people)

2015 ◽  
Vol 47 (1) ◽  
pp. 131-135 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vickie Langohr

The most famous demand raised by protesters in the “Arab Spring” was “al-shaʿb/yurīd/isqāṭ al-niẓām” (the people/want /the fall of the regime). Three years later, little progress has been made—outside of Tunisia—in permanently replacing authoritarian regimes with the formal institutions of democracy. However, new forms of activism have emerged that increase citizens’ ability to directly combat pervasive social problems and to successfully pressure official institutions to alter policies. The evolution of activism against public sexual violence in post-Mubarak Egypt is a concrete example. Sexual harassment of women on the streets and in public transportation, widespread before the 25 January uprising, has likely since increased.1 Many women have been subjected to vicious sexual assault at political protests over the last three years. But activism against these threats has also expanded in ways unimaginable during the Mubarak era. Groups of male and female activists in their twenties and early thirties exhort bystanders on the streets to intervene when they witness harassment, and intervene themselves. Satellite TV programs have extensively covered public sexual violence, directly challenging officials for their failure to combat it while featuring the work of antiharassment and antiassault groups in a positive light. These new practices facilitated two concrete changes in the summer of 2014: amendments to the penal code on sexual harassment, and Cairo University's adoption of an antiharassment policy which was developed by feminist activists.


2016 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Imam Setyohadi

Batam Island’s role as an industrial development center causes fast-paced growth in many sectors with an uneven inhabitant distribution. With most people inhabit the Batam city.The hinterland area is characterised by islands and housing pattern of community clusters in the form of fishermen’s neighborhood along the coastal region with most of the houses are semi-permanent buildings. Most of people’s activities there are consisted of fishing. With limited infrastructure, the mode of transportation used in between the many islands there is with motor boats (Pancung). This is very much in contrast with the condition down the Batam City, in terms of its socio-economic, housing and other aspects.This research is aimed at figuring out the reason as to why people prefer to have their house located in rural areas and finding out the characteristic pattern of people’s movement around the Batam Island.Samples were taken using the sample random proporsional method. Samples were taken randomly from many districts with a proper ratio of people from weak, middle and upper class economic strata. The data were then analyized with cross classification.Results show that people chose rural areas because that where the industrial locations are so that it is closer for them to go to work, and the housin price or rent there are relatively cheaper too. Whereas people who chose to live in the Batam City do so because they want to improve their livelyhood by opening up alternative businesses other than working within the industry.People’s traveling destination is in and around the rural areas because it is where the industries are located evenly and the rest of them travel to the areas surrounding Batam Island. Such as people of Nongsa, 23% of the travel to the Kabil industrial area, and 12% of them go to the city center (Nagoya). In contrast, people of the Sekupang District, 29% of them travel only in and around Sekupang area. Other than that only 2% of Batam inhabitants travel to the islands surrounding Batam Island. Whereas for the people of Sei Beduk, 29% of them go to Muka Kuning and 14% of them to the city center. And for the people of Lubuk Baja District, 32% of them go to the city center (Nagoya), because it is actually the CBD center.The type of transportation used by people in rural areas are mostly private vehicles because they are thought to be more comfortable and safe, as is the case for Nongsa and Sekupang. Nonetheless, 2% of Sekupang inhabitants use motor boats to travel to the islands surrounding Batam Island. In Nongsa, 36% of the people use motorcycle, public transportation account for 32%, and in Sekupang car owners are around 35%. Contrary, the people of Sei Beduk are mostly using public transportation, 42%, due to the already availabel public road and vehicles and only 34% use cars.As for the distance covered by those people, Nongsa and Sekupang residents are 42% cover around 5-10 Km with a travel time of 20-30 minutes a day. Whereas the people of Sei Beduk, 45% of them only cover 105 km in around 10 minutes a day due to the proximity of their living place with the industrial location.On the other hand, Lubuk Baja (city center) people are 43% using cars,  for the are much more comfortable and allow them to have higher mobility. And only 31% of the inhabitants there use public transportation. Most of the people there cover 1-5 km (52%) to 5-10 km (27%) a day with a travel time of around 10 to 20-30 minutes. 


Phronesis ◽  
2011 ◽  
Vol 56 (2) ◽  
pp. 162-179 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elsa Bouchard

AbstractA new assessment of Aristotle Politics 3.11 shows that most of the arguments contained in this chapter are strictly analogical and should not be granted too much weight in Aristotle’s overall conception of popular government. A close analysis of the four analogies used by Aristotle to illustrate the so-called “wisdom of the many” brings to light both the negative and the positive conclusions allowed by this chapter, the following in particular: 1) the partial inclusion of the people in government decisions is desirable insofar as the people are affected by these decisions; 2) the people’s judgements are most qualified in some areas of political life, such as the audit of the magistrates; 3) the optimal distribution of power in the political community is made in accordance with the relative merits of all its members.


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 189
Author(s):  
Nirwan Il Yasin ◽  
Siti Syuhada

<p><em>Researchers and academicians have indeed done a lot of researches in Jambi. The aspects of the life the society of Jambi Seberang in all any studies have been carried out, one of them is historical studies. The research process was also carried out by involving in-depth studies which became a reference to previous studies in this research. The rhyme is one of the Jambi education learning process in the Jambi Seberang area that still needs to be revealed. This awareness also wants to be built in the midst of the many educational patterns that have been adjusted during the times. Rhyme in the 20th century has become a powerful method, in addition to the fact that the people of Jambi have already recognized the repertoire of this rhyme as part of the cultural speech of the people. One of the teachers who uses rhyme in his studies is  teacher Abdul Qodir Ibrahim. This research was using historical methods, namely: Heuristics, criticism, interpretation, and historiography. The disclosure was made so that all forms of educational changes that exist in Jambi society can be appointed as the identity of the Jambi Sebrang society. This disclosure was made in the Jambi Seberang area, which is the first area of Islamic education in Jambi. This investigation tries to explain rhyme in the Islamic education of Jambi community, and the dynamics of its development process.</em></p><p><em> </em>Peneliti dan akademisi memang telah banyak melakukan penelitian di Jambi. Aspek sisi kehidupan masyarakat Jambi seberang dalam kajian apapun telah dilakukan. Salah satunya kajian sejarah. Proses penelitian ini pun dilakukan dengan melibatkan kajian yang mendalam yang menjadi referensi tinjauan terdahulu tentang penelitian ini. Syair dalam proses pembelajaran pendidikan Jambi di wilayah seberang Kota Jambi yang masih perlu untuk diungkap. Kesadaran ini juga ingin dibangun di tengah banyak pola pendidikan yang sudah disesuaikan pada perkembangan zamannya. Syair pada akhir abad 20 menjadi metode yang ampuh, disamping memang secara garis besar masyarakat Jambi telah mengenal khasanah syair ini sabagai bagian dari tutur kebudayaan masyarakatnya. Salah satu Tuan guru yang mengunakan syair dalam pembelajarannya yaitu Tuan guru Abdul Qodir Ibrahim. Dalam penelitian ini menggunakan metode ilmu sejarah yaitu: Heuristik, kritik, intepretasi, dan historiografi. Pengungkapan ini dilakukan agar segala bentuk proses perubahan pendidikan yang ada dalam masyarakat Jambi bisa diangkat sebagai identitas masyarakat Jambi. Pengungkapan ini dilakukan di wilayah Jambi Seberang yang merupakan wilayah pertama pendidikan Islam di Jambi. Dalam penelitian ini mencoba menjelaskan syair dalam pendidikan Islam masyarakat Jambi, dan dinamika proses perkembangannya.</p><p> </p>


1989 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 1-4 ◽  
Author(s):  
George C. Edwards

The transition and the president's first year in office is the most important period for establishing the tone and character of the White House's relationship with Congress. It is the time of closest scrutiny and the greatest vulnerability to making major mistakes. Taking the right steps early and avoiding errors can lay in the foundation for a productive working relationship. Actions taken in this period create lasting impressions. According to Max Friedersdorf, the “enemies and mistakes made in the first week will dog a President throughout his term in office.” Stuart Eizenstat adds, “I don't think Carter's image ever recovered from some of those early mistakes.”This essay examines George Bush's relations with Congress early in his term. First I focus on the context in which the new president is operating to explore the opportunities and constraints present in his environment. Then I assess the primary components of his legislative strategy.When George Bush took the oath of office on January 20, 1989, he was already fighting an uphill battle in his relations with Congress. He began his tenure with one of the worst strategic positions of any newly-elected president in our history. There are two dimensions of his strategic position that bear examination: his leadership resources and his leeway in taking policy initiatives.New presidents traditionally claim a mandate from the people, because the most effective means of setting the terms of debate and overcoming opposition is the perception of an electoral mandate, an impression that the voters want to see the winner's programs implemented. Indeed, major changes in policy, as in 1933, 1965, and 1981, virtually never occur in the absence of such perceptions.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 515-519
Author(s):  
Mariano Roberto Solsepa ◽  
Ida Ayu Putu Widiati ◽  
I Putu Gede Seputra

The transportation sector has an important role in increasing the mobility of citizens, so the task of the Central Manggarai Regency Transportation Agency is to issue permits for carrying out transportation of people on routes in the form of public transport permits and curbing public transport that does not have a route permit. The method used in this research is empirical legal research. From the results of the study there are still many route permit violations in Central Manggarai Regency. This study aims to determine the effectiveness and law enforcement of Manggarai Tengah District Regulation No.18 of 2011 concerning Route Licensing Retribution. To find out the effectiveness and enforcement of Regional Regulation No.18 of 2011, the theory used is legal effectiveness. Regulations for Route Permits in Central Manggarai Regency can be said to be ineffective given the many violations of public transport route permits. Efforts made in enforcing public transportation that do not have a route permit in Central Manggarai Regency are socializing to owners of public transport services about the importance of public transport route permits.


2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 1494
Author(s):  
David Bert Joris Dhert

"One World, One Dream". "For The Game, For The World". "All in One Rhythm." The World Cup and the Olympic Games usually announce themselves in terms of dreams and opportunities for the people of the host country.Along three years of navigating through the daily lives of three Brazilians - one of Indigenous, one of African and one of European descent - the film WE MUST BE DREAMING explores how the 2014 FIFA World Cup and the 2016 Rio Olympic Games have affected the lives of the people of Rio de Janeiro and to what degree the two biggest sport events of the planet have brought the dreams and opportunities they promise.


CORAK ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Nofi Rahmanita

The Handicraft of embroidery “palaminan” in Nareh Pariaman is an old culture product which is used for social purposes. As the time goes, now, the “palaminan” is not only used by the king or noblesse. Right now, it has been used in mostly wedding parties of Minangkabau tradition. It is used as the seat of the bride groom and bride who are called king and queen for a day. Regarding this theme, when we see the several various of palaminan, it looks like been influenced by the Chinese and Hindi/Gujarat Custom. Such as phoenix 9(bird) and lion decorated at the “palaminan”, or for the Gujarat custom, there are embroidery with mirrors that decorate the palaminan. The mirror embroidered for the people of Nareh Pariaman has the meaning “suluah bendang” in the village. The art of embroidery palaminan Nareh Pariaman has many structures which are connected to each other. They can not be separated in each use. The structures are decorated by the many kinds of Minangkabau decoration. Most of the decorating comes from application of the Minangkabau’sphilosophy known as “alam takambang Jadi Guru”. The philosophy has symbolic meaning that contains some lessons about managing humans life, especially for people of Nareh Pariaman.Keywords: beyond culture, motif, pelaminan


Think India ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 22 (3) ◽  
pp. 72-83
Author(s):  
Tushar Kadian

Actually, basic needs postulates securing of the elementary conditions of existence to every human being. Despite of the practical and theoretical importance of the subject the greatest irony is non- availability of any universal preliminary definition of the concept of basic needs. Moreover, this becomes the reason for unpredictability of various political programmes aiming at providing basic needs to the people. The shift is necessary for development of this or any other conception. No labour reforms could be made in history till labours were treated as objects. Its only after they were started being treating as subjects, labour unions were allowed to represent themselves in strategy formulations that labour reforms could become a reality. The present research paper highlights the basic needs of Human Rights in life.


2010 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 1-27
Author(s):  
Malik Mufti

This articles argues (a) that democratic discourse has already become hegemonic among mainstream Islamist movements in Turkey and the Arab world; (b) that while this development originated in tactical calculations, it constitutes a consequential transformation in Islamist political thought; and (c) that this transformation, in turn, raises critical questions about the interaction of religion and democracy with which contemporary Islamists have not yet grappled adequately but which were anticipated by medieval philosophers such as al-Farabi and Ibn Rushd. The argument is laid out through an analysis (based on textual sources and interviews) of key decisions on electoral participation made by Turkey’s AK Party and the Muslim Brotherhoods in Egypt, Jordan, and Syria. Particular attention is focused on these movements’ gradual embrace of three key democratic principles: pluralism, the people as the source of political authority, and the legitimacy of such procedural mechanisms as multiple parties and regular elections.


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