Security regimes

1982 ◽  
Vol 36 (2) ◽  
pp. 357-378 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert Jervis

Regimes are harder to establish in the security area than they are in the economic realm because of the inherently competitive cast of many security concerns, the unforgiving nature of the problems, and the difficulty in determining how much security the state has or needs. Nevertheless, there is at least one example of a functioning security regime—the Concert of Europe. Under the Concert the great powers sharply moderated their individualistic and competitive policies and exercised restraint in the expectation that others would reciprocate. The self-interest that they followed was broader and longer-run than usual. The Balance of Power, however, is a regime only if the restraints are internal, as Kaplan implies, as contrasted with Waltz's formulation in which states restrain each other. Current superpower relations should not be considered a regime because the principles, rules, and norms have little autonomy but instead can be best understood as quite direct reflections of the states' power and interests.

1981 ◽  
Vol 17 ◽  
pp. 98-103
Author(s):  
Michael Derndarsky

In his article Elrod concentrates on an issue which was indeed vital to the Habsburg empire: the central idea of the pentarchy's international policy. At the Congress of Vienna, held after the end of the Napoleonic wars, the policy of the victorious powers was primarily oriented toward maintaining a balance of power and accepted the concept that the Great Powers were jointly responsible for keeping the peace. By the middle of the century at the latest there was an obvious change in motivation, for, under the ever increasing impetus of new ideas and new people, changes now came to be measured primarily on the basis of self-interest and only secondarily on the basis of their effect on international stability.


2019 ◽  
Vol 72 (2) ◽  
pp. 281-299
Author(s):  
Paweł Pokrzywiński

Neo-revisionism is a term proposed by Ilan Peleg and Paul Shaum for the philosophy originated by Menachem Begin in 1977 and kept by Yitzhak Shamir and Benjamin Netanyahu. It invokes Vladimir Jabotinski’s revisionism with a strong emphasis on state-centrism, bilateral alliances, power and territory. The foreign policy of the Likud leaders showed that a postulated ideological hard-line stand is far from political reality and is closer to a pragmatic interpretation of state’s surrounding. The author will try to examine the relation between ideology and pragmatism in the Likud’s policy. It will also be shown in the light of neoclassical realism – close to neo-revisionism – by the examples of power, the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, non-state representatives but also in the light of pragmatism. The overview of the Likud’s policy is divided between ideologised aspects of securing the self-interest of the state, Israeli raison d'état, acting against Arab states’ ambitions and securing the territory as a strategic depth and between pragmatic decisions like Begin’s peace treaty with Egypt and returning the Sinai, Ariel Sharon’s withdrawal of the settlements from the Gaza Strip or the freezing of settlement by Benjamin Netanyahu.


2015 ◽  
Vol 42 (3) ◽  
pp. 492-512 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cemal Burak Tansel

AbstractThis article contributes to current debates in materialist geopolitics and contemporary IR theorising by restating the centrality of social forces for conceptualising geopolitics. It does so by offering a detailed conceptual reading of the corpus of the ‘Eastern Question’, which is composed of a series of political analyses written by Marx and Engels in the period of 1853–6. This archive presents unique analytical and conceptual insights beyond the immediate temporal scope of the issue. I unpack this argument in three movements. The article (i) offers an overview of the debates on materialist geopolitics; (ii) contextualises the historical setting of the ‘Eastern Question’ and critically evaluates the great powers’ commitment to the Europeanstatus quo; and (iii) constructs an original engagement with a largely overlooked corpus to reveal the ways in which Marx and Engels demonstrated the interwoven relationship between domestic class interests, the state, and the international system. I maintain that revisiting the ‘Eastern Question’ corpus (i) bolsters the existing materialist frameworks by underscoring the role of class as an analytical category; (ii) challenges an important historical pillar of the balance of power argument; and (iii) empirically strengthens the burgeoning scholarship in international historical sociology.


2007 ◽  
Vol 51 (4) ◽  
pp. 249-266
Author(s):  
Nikolaus Hueck

Abstract The shift in the demographic structure of German society results in an ever smaller amount of workers having to support an ever increasing number of pensioners. For this reason, it is necessary to revisit the so-called »generational contract«. A review of the history of this generational contract, from the biblical commandment to respect your elders through the social laws under Bismarck on to Adenauer‘s reform of pensions shows that the flaw of the state pension plan resides in the fact that the generational contract only governs the relations between those who are gainfully employed and those which are retired, without sufficiently takink into account children and the contribution made by families raising them. In this regard, it is only possible to ensure the long-term viability of the generational contract by correctly understanding the self-interest of all parties rather than by issuing calls for solidarity


2006 ◽  
Vol 32 (3) ◽  
pp. 523-540 ◽  
Author(s):  
MATTHEW RENDALL

Why do great powers expand? Offensive realist John Mearsheimer claims that states wage an eternal struggle for power, and that those strong enough to seek regional hegemony nearly always do. Mearsheimer’s evidence, however, displays a selection bias. Examining four crises between 1814 and 1840, I show that the balance of power restrained Russia, Prussia and France. Yet all three also exercised self-restraint; Russia, in particular, passed up chances to bid for hegemony in 1815 and to topple Ottoman Turkey in 1829. Defensive realism gives a better account of the Concert of Europe, because it combines structural realism with non-realist theories of state preferences.


Author(s):  
S.S. Hasanova ◽  
R.R. Hatueva ◽  
A.L. Arsaev

This article discusses the pros and cons of applying professional income tax. Professional income tax is not mandatory, but an alternative way to pay 2 taxes on self-employment or part-time work. The introduction of this tax can mediate an increase in revenues to the state budget, which is of particular importance for the country in post-crisis conditions.


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