Priests and patriots: Irish separatism and fear of the modern, 1890-1914

1986 ◽  
Vol 25 (97) ◽  
pp. 67-81 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tom Garvin

The political leadership of the independent state that emerged after 1920 was formed in the years after the fall of Parnell in 1891. The cultural atmosphere of the period in which the new leaders had grown up was suffused with a nationalist and anti-modernist romanticism, a sense that a civilisation was perhaps dying and a scepticism about the possibility or even desirability of mass democracy As has been argued elsewhere, the young men and women who were to lead the separatist movement were children of their time. Like their contemporaries elsewhere in Europe, they sensed that the twentieth century would bring great changes; they anticipated with dread or longing the great wars that so many writers predicted; they tended to rebel against their elders, often in the name of ideals inculcated by those elders; they tended toward a romantic and messianic nationalism.' They tended also to think moralistically rather than scientifically; their social thought was derived from ethics rather than from politics or economics. The culture from which they came was dominated by a catholic world-view, and their real intellectual mentors were the priests of the catholic church.

POLITEA ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 181
Author(s):  
Nur Rofiq Addiansyah ◽  
Isti’anah Isti’anah

<p class="06IsiAbstrak"><span lang="EN-GB">This article will discuss the Indonesian people, the Minister of Maritime Affairs and Fisheries of the Republic of Indonesia in 2014-2019, Susi Pudjiastuti. Susi is a central figure who is able to steal public attention. Various academic writings have been written about the figure of Susi Pudjiastuti, most of which discuss leadership and communication strategies. This paper wants to look deeper into the strength and leadership of Islam. This paper wants to look at the power possessed by Susi, the Domination of Charisma and Islamic Leadership. Susi Pudjiastuti gave a deep picture that women in Islam do not get shackles to do politics. Women get a broad space and leadership skills that are not much different from men. This paper uses a qualitative approach to character studies. The data collection method in this paper is obtained through documentation from time media, books and other literature. Further research that can be done includes the political leadership of Islamic women in the bureaucracy, as well as differences in leadership between men and women.</span></p>


2020 ◽  
pp. 366-388
Author(s):  
Beata Żywicka

While attempting to reconstruct the Polish understanding of the word “nation”, the author applies three different data types, however complementary to one another (i.e. systemic, questionnaire and text data). By referring to the word etymology and dictionary definitions, the author portrays a multifaceted model of nation as the community of people (the psychosocial aspect) who live within a particular territory, speak one common language, have common cultural background (the cultural aspect), similar world view (the ideological aspect), pursue common economic (the living-standard aspect) and political interests.The analysis of the quoted texts, the questionnaires collected among the students in the years 1990, 2000 and 2010 shows certain significant differences that mainly concern the political and ideological spheres. It is noticeable that in 1990 the desire for independence was stronger among the young people than it was among their peers twenty years later and was connected with the political transformation that Poland underwent in 1989 when after years spent behind the “Iron Curtain” the nation could finally openly realise the ideals of freedom and enjoy life in the state that is independent, autonomous and democratic.The Polish contemporary journalistic texts accompanied by the scientific considerations and discussions present the nation in three categories: the political, territorial and cultural, biological. The nation seen from the political perspective is a collective of individuals having political rights, common laws and bound with one another by mutual duties, and by residing on a particular geographical territory they can form a state. In the press articles as well as certain Catholic church representatives’ statements, there appears a cultural concept of the nation seen as the community formed by the individuals and groups that are bound by common culture (language, traditions, customs), history, religion and pursued values. The biological concept of the nation refers to the principle of consanguinity. It relies on the assumption that strong blood ties constitute the basis for nation’s existence and one of the significant components of national consciousness.


1987 ◽  
Vol 35 (3) ◽  
pp. 359-378 ◽  
Author(s):  
Martha Abele Mac Iver

This article examines the religious beliefs underlying the political ideology of Ulster's fundamentalist politician, Ian Paisley. Paisley claims to follow the Reformation tradition in both his theology and political beliefs, and cannot be understood without reference to this tradition. Adopting an apocalyptic world view from Reformation Protestants such as Knox, Paisley views the Roman Catholic Church as the Harlot of Babylon condemned in Revelation, and this belief underlies his anti-Catholicism. This world view shapes Paisley's understanding of politics because he follows Knox in believing that the political community has a covenantal relationship to God requiring complete repudiation of Roman Catholic ‘idolatry’. Paisley invokes the Scottish covenanting tradition as a model for Protestant political activity in Ulster, advocating resistance against any attempt to show political favour to the Roman Catholic Church.


Author(s):  
Levan Nikoleishvili ◽  
Tamar Kiknadze

The socio-political processes developed in Georgia in the 90s of the twentieth century led to the political transformation of the country. The political changes that began during this period led to the ideological and value transformation of elite structures, including procedural changes in the mechanisms of elite circulation. All this was reflected in the country's domestic and foreign policy.In Georgian reality, the main part of the society is focused on a specific political figure, however, the elite groups united around this leader differ from each other in their values and ideological orientation. At the same time, all post-Soviet political leaders followed different paths of accumulating social and political capital, which became an important component of developing their individual political charisma.The article discusses the features of 4 political leaders of post-Soviet Georgia (Z. Gamsakhurdia, E. Shevardnadze, M. Saakashvili, B. Ivanishvili) and the political processes related to them.


Religions ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 10 (7) ◽  
pp. 424 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Bayer O. Cist.

Monastic vows have been a source of religious controversy at least since the Reformation. Today, new monastic movements recover many elements of the tradition (e.g., community life and prayer, material solidarity and poverty), but vows—understood as a lifelong or binding commitment to obedience, stability and conversion to the monastic way of life—do not appear to capture much enthusiasm. Even the Benedictine tradition in the Catholic Church appears, at least in certain regions, to struggle to attract young men and women to give themselves away through vows. In this context, I ask whether vows should belong to the “future of Christian monasticisms”. I will look at Anselm of Canterbury for inspiration regarding their meaning. For him, monastic vows enact the “total” gift of self or the “total” belonging to God. I will suggest, following Anselm, that such vows enable an existential commitment that is in a unique way morally and intellectually enlivening, and that such vows should remain an element in any future monasticism wanting to stand in continuity with the “Christian monasticism” of the past. During my conclusion, I acknowledge that our imagination regarding the concrete forms the total gift could take may develop.


2006 ◽  
Vol 22 ◽  
Author(s):  
Linnea Ytting

Artiklen med undertitlen 'Kønskonstruktioner og ligestillingsmæssige tiltag i den frivillige idrætsledelse' har til formål at vise de kønskonstruktioner, der eksisterer i idrætsorganisationerne, og som har indflydelse på forudsætningerne for kvinders besiddelse af lederposter i organisationerne.Linnea Ytting: Why waste time on female sport leadership? About gender construction, gender equality in the voluntary sport organizationsThe sports organisations Danmarks Idræts- Forbund (DIF) and Danske Gymnastik- og Idrætsforeninger (DGI) have few women represented in their top leader positions. Both organisations have approximately 50% female membership and represent the entire Danish organised sport field. This is a sad fact, because women and men in many areas have different interests in sports. This article analyses some of the gender constructions of 6 young men and women in voluntary leadership, within chosen sports organisations. The purpose is to find the meaning of gender and describe how it is interpreted by the women and men in leading positions. The result of this research shows that many women are not interested in leading positions higher than club level. At the same time however, the structure of organisations are limiting, as to women wanting to achieve a higher voluntary leading position. Therefore it can be established that women must want the power, but the power must also want the women. In 2002 the political mainstreaming project was offered to sports organisations, introducing the gender problem on the political agenda. The political dimensions will therefore be included in the article, because the consequences may affect the sports organisations


2004 ◽  
Vol 3 (4) ◽  
pp. 369-406 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nancy J. Rosenbloom

The struggle over censorship stood at the core of the relationship between the political culture of progressivism and early moving pictures. Called by contemporaries and historians alike a democratic art, the moving pictures invited audiences to participate in the new mass culture of the early twentieth-century. As some early film makers began to use the medium to tell stories, those sitting in small theaters in towns and cities across America saw before them a make-believe world that was nonetheless plausible commentary on the past, the present, and the future. What remained unresolved was how those who championed political reforms, ostensibly in the language of progressive and democratic politics, might harness the power of the medium in redefining American political and social life. How much power the moving pictures and its mass audience might assume energized men and women, particularly progressives in New York City, who sought a more democratic culture, politics, and social life. How much power the moving pictures and its mass audience might assume energized men and women, particularly progressives in New York City, who sought a more democratic culture, politics, and social life. They regarded the political potential of the moving pictures as essential to the empowerment of the masses in an age when social boundaries were in flux. At the same time, they tried and ultimately failed to extend to moving pictures the protection of the First Amendment. They did this because they believed in the political and artistic possibilities of the medium for a democratic culture. In creating a plan to elevate the moving pictures and their places of exhibition, they became locked in a confrontation with other reformers who feared the awesome power of the screen to hasten modernity and all that it implied.


1997 ◽  
pp. 26-32
Author(s):  
Vitaliy Pereveziy

The main purpose of the educational activities of the Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church in the 20-30th years of the twentieth century. was the upbringing of the younger generation. The Church's Church created a holistic system of its activities, which was intended to broaden the Christian upbringing.


2020 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 31-47
Author(s):  
Eduardo Acuña Aguirre

This article refers to the political risks that a group of five parishioners, members of an aristocratic Catholic parish located in Santiago, Chile, had to face when they recovered and discovered unconscious meanings about the hard and persistent psychological and sexual abuse they suffered in that religious organisation. Recovering and discovering meanings, from the collective memory of that parish, was a sort of conversion event in the five parishioners that determined their decision to bring to the surface of Chilean society the knowledge that the parish, led by the priest Fernando Karadima, functioned as a perverse organisation. That determination implied that the five individuals had to struggle against powerful forces in society, including the dominant Catholic Church in Chile and the political influences from the conservative Catholic elite that attempted to ignore the existence of the abuses that were denounced. The result of this article explains how the five parishioners, through their concerted political actions and courage, forced the Catholic Church to recognise, in an ambivalent way, the abuses committed by Karadima. The theoretical basis of this presentation is based on a socioanalytical approach that mainly considers the understanding of perversion in organisations and their consequences in the control of anxieties.


Author(s):  
Phyllis Lassner

Espionage and Exile demonstrates that from the 1930s through the Cold War, British Writers Eric Ambler, Helen MacInnes, Ann Bridge, Pamela Frankau, John le Carré and filmmaker Leslie Howard combined propaganda and popular entertainment to call for resistance to political oppression. Instead of constituting context, the political engagement of these spy fictions bring the historical crises of Fascist and Communist domination to the forefront of twentieth century literary history. They deploy themes of deception and betrayal to warn audiences of the consequences of Nazi Germany's conquests and later, the fusion of Fascist and Communist oppression. Featuring protagonists who are stateless and threatened refugees, abandoned and betrayed secret agents, and politically engaged or entrapped amateurs, all in states of precarious exile, these fictions engage their historical subjects to complicate extant literary meanings of transnational, diaspora and performativity. Unsettling distinctions between villain and victim as well as exile and belonging dramatizes relationships between the ethics of espionage and responses to international crises. With politically charged suspense and narrative experiments, these writers also challenge distinctions between literary, middlebrow, and popular culture.


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