The Land Acquisition Act, 1992 of Zimbabwe

1993 ◽  
Vol 37 (1) ◽  
pp. 82-88 ◽  
Author(s):  
Simon Coldham
Keyword(s):  
Land Reform ◽  
Land Policy ◽  
Land Acquisition ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
The Political ◽  
Land Distribution ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Government

The gazetting of the Land Acquisition Bill on 24 January, 1992 unleashed what has been described as the fiercest debate ever known in the history of Zimbabwe. However, the issue of land reform had been back on the political agenda ever since the expiry of the Lancaster House Constitution on 18 April, 1990, and pressures from a variety of quarters, both internal and external, had been brought to bear on the government during the intervening period. In particular, its adoption in 1990 of a document declaring National Land Policy had generated intense controversy. In accordance with the principles set out in that document the government has sought to facilitate the acquisition of land for resettlement purposes, first by amending section 16 of the Lancaster House Constitution and subsequently by enacting the Land Acquisition Act. In formulating its policy the government has recognized both the need to redress inequalities in land distribution and the need to take into account current national and international socio-economic realities. The result is a compromise.

scholarly journals STATUTE NOTE

2001 ◽  
Vol 45 (2) ◽  
pp. 227-229 ◽  
Author(s):  
Simon Coldham
Keyword(s):  
Land Reform ◽  
Land Policy ◽  
Land Acquisition ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
The Political ◽  
International Pressure ◽  
Fair Compensation ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Right ◽  
Statutory Basis

LAND ACQUISITION AMENDMENT ACT, 2000 (ZIMBABWE)Since Zimbabwe became independent in 1980 the issue of land reform and, in particular, the issue of land acquisition and redistribution has seldom been off the political agenda. For the first ten years of independence there were constitutional constraints on the acquisition of land for resettlement purposes, but the National Land Policy of 1990 set out plans for an accelerated programme of resettlement. In order to achieve its ambitious targets the government of Zimbabwe saw the need to strengthen its powers of compulsory acquisition both by amending section 16 of the Constitution (which provided strong protection against the compulsory acquisition of property) and by enacting the Land Acquisition Act to provide a statutory basis for the new policy. These reforms were extremely controversial both inside and outside the country and a clause excluding the right to fair compensation for expropriated land was dropped partly in response to international pressure.

Public Lands and Political Meaning: Ranchers, the Government, and the Property between Them. By Karen R. Merrill. Berkeley: University of California Press, 2002. Pp. xix, 274. $50.00.

2003 ◽  
Vol 63 (1) ◽  
pp. 282-283
Author(s):  
Jeffrey B. Nugent
Keyword(s):  
Land Use ◽  
American West ◽  
Public Lands ◽  
Land Policy ◽  
University Of California ◽  
Public Land ◽  
The Political ◽  
Land Use Regulations ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Government

The objective of this book by Karen Merrill is to use the history of public land policy to better understand the political history of the American West since 1870 and the recurring tensions between government, ranchers, and environmentalists. Although the book is aimed primarily at political historians, it is a useful reference for economic historians interested in property rights and land-use regulations.

Land Reform in Zimbabwe: a Balance of Political Expediency and Economic Inevitability?

2020 ◽  
pp. 14-29
Author(s):  
Lyubov Prokopenko
Keyword(s):  
Land Reform ◽  
Union Leader ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
African Region ◽  
Political Aspect ◽  
National Union ◽  
Reform Program ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government

The article considers the political aspect of land reform in the Republic of Zimbabwe. The problem of land reform has been one of the crucial ones in the history of this African country, which celebrated 40 years of independence on April 18, 2020. In recent decades, it has been constantly in the spotlight of political and electoral processes. The land issue was one of the key points of the political program from the very beginning of Robert Mugabe’s reign in 1980. The political aspect of land reform began to manifest itself clearly with the growth of the opposition movement in the late 1990s. In 2000–2002 the country implemented the Fast Track Land Reform Program (FTLRP), the essence of which was the compulsory acquisition of land from white owners without compensation. The expropriation of white farmers’ lands in the 2000s led to a serious reconfiguration of land ownership, which helped to maintain in power the ruling party, the African National Union of Zimbabwe – Patriotic Front (ZANU – PF). The government was carrying out its land reform in the context of a sharp confrontation with the opposition, especially with the Party for the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), led by trade union leader Morgan Tsvangirai. The land issue was on the agenda of all the election campaigns (including the elections in July 2018); this fact denotes its politicization, hence the timeliness of this article. The economic and political crisis in Zimbabwe in the 2000–2010s was the most noticeable phenomenon in the South African region. The analysis of foreign and domestic sources allows us to conclude that the accelerated land reform served as one of its main triggers. The practical steps of the new Zimbabwean president, Mr. Emmerson Mnangagwa, indicate that he is aware of the importance of resolving land reform-related issues for further economic recovery. At the beginning of March 2020, the government adopted new regulations defining the conditions for compensation to farmers. On April 18, 2020, speaking on the occasion of the 40th anniversary of the independence of Zimbabwe, Mr. E. Mnangagwa stated that the land reform program remains the cornerstone of the country’s independence and sovereignty.

YOUTH POLICY IN MODERN RUSSIA. ABSENTEEISM AND POLITICAL PROTEST

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
G.I. AVTSINOVA ◽  
М.А. BURDA
Keyword(s):  
Young People ◽  
Political Stability ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Protest ◽  
Youth Organizations ◽  
Youth Policy ◽  
The Government ◽  
Russian Politics ◽  
High Level

The article analyzes the features of the current youth policy of the Russian Federation aimed at raising the political culture. Despite the current activities of the government institutions in the field under study, absenteeism, as well as the protest potential of the young people, remains at a fairly high level. In this regard, the government acknowledged the importance of forming a positive image of the state power in the eyes of young people and strengthen its influence in the sphere of forming loyal associations, which is not always positively perceived among the youth. The work focuses on the fact that raising the loyalty of youth organizations is one of the factors of political stability, both in case of internal turbulence and external influence. The authors also focus on the beneficiaries of youth protests. The authors paid special attention to the issue of forming political leadership among the youth and the absence of leaders expressing the opinions of young people in modern Russian politics. At the same time, youth protest as a social phenomenon lack class and in some cases ideological differences. The authors come to the conclusion that despite the steps taken by the government and political parties to involve Russian youth in the political agenda, the young people reject leaders of youth opinion imposed by the authorities, either cultivating nonparticipation in the electoral campagines or demonstrating latent protest voting.

scholarly journals PERANAN BANGSAWAN BONE DALAM SISTEM PEMERINTAHAN DARI SWAPRAJA KE KABUPATEN (The Role of Bone Nobleman in The Government System from Swapraja to Regency)

2018 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 135-151
Author(s):  
Risma Widiawati
Keyword(s):  
Political Development ◽  
The Political ◽  
Holding Power ◽  
South Sulawesi ◽  
The People ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Government ◽  
Head Of Government ◽  
Interesting Area

Bone Regency as part of South Sulawesi is a very interesting area to discuss. This area is not only part of the history of South Sulawesi, but also a historical flow of South Sulawesi. the existence of nobles who are so attached to the joints of the lives of the people of Bone is still interesting to be examined to this day. Based on this, the article aims to reveal the role of Bone nobility in the swapraja government system to the regency (1950 - 1960). The political development of the government during this period was seen as sufficiently influencing the political dynamics of the government in Bone Regency which continued even today. The method used is the method of historical research with four stages, namely, heuristics, criticism (history), interpretation, and presentation (historiography). The results of the study show that after the transition from swapraja to regency, the role of nobility is still very calculated. But it is no longer like in the period before the transition, where the government was ruled by the king / aristocracy. At this time the level of intelligence is also taken into account. Apart from the fact that the structure of the government is indeed different because the process of appointing head of government is also different. But in general the role of nobility after the transition was not much different, where there were still many nobles holding power. ABSTRAK Kabupaten Bone sebagai bahagian dari Sulawesi Selatan merupakan suatu daerah yang sangat menarik untuk dibicarakan. Daerah ini bukan saja merupakan bagian dari sejarah Sulawesi Selatan, tetapi juga merupakan arus sejarah Sulawesi Selatan. keberadaan bangsawan yang begitu melekat di dalam sendi kehidupan masyarakat Bone masih menarik untuk ditelisik sampai hari ini. Berdasarkan hal tersebut, maka artikel ini bertujuan untuk mengungkapkan tentang peranan bangsawan Bone dalam sistem pemerintahan swapraja ke kabupaten (1950 – 1960). Perkembangan politik dari pemerintahan selama periode ini dipandang cukup mempengaruhi dinamika politik dari pemerintahan di Kabupaten Bone yang berlangsung bahkan sampai sekarang. Metode yang digunakan adalah adalah metode penelitian sejarah dengan empat tahapan yaitu, heuristik, kritik (sejarah), intrepretasi, dan penyajian (historiografi). Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa setelah peralihan dari swapraja ke kabupaten, peranan bangsawan masih sangat diperhitungkan. Namun tidak lagi seperti pada masa sebelum peralihan, di mana pemerintahan dikuasai oleh raja/aristokrasi. Pada masa ini tingkat kecerdasan juga diperhitungkan. Selain karena struktur pemerintahannya memang berbeda juga karena proses pengangkatan kepala pemerintahan juga berbeda. Namun secara umum peran bangsawan setelah masa peralihan tidak jauh berbeda, di mana masih banyak bangsawan yang memegang kekuasaan.

Forcing the Political Agenda: The Zapatista Rebellion and the Limits of Ethnic Bargaining in Mexico

1997 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 123-146 ◽  
Author(s):  
Keyword(s):  
Land Reform ◽  
National Level ◽  
Indigenous Rights ◽  
Internal Conflict ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
Southern Mexico ◽  
Indigenous Movement ◽  
Mexican Government ◽  
The Government ◽  
Base Of Support

AbstractThe Zapatista rebels of southern Mexico have achieved considerable success both in maintaining themselves against unlikely odds and in coming to agreement with the Mexican government on issues affecting indigenous rights and identity. At the same time, a central demand, both of the Zapatistas and the indigenous movement which they have helped to revitalize, namely revision of the 1992 constitutional reforms affecting corporate claims to land and the possibility of further land reform, has been roundly rejected by the government. The paper explains both Zapatista achievements and the limits to ethnic bargaining evident in the negotiations to date through an analysis of the dynamic process by which both sides came to the negotiating table and shaped and reshaped the rules of the bargaining game. It draws on social movement theory to show how the Zapatistas in particular were able to overcome the ``asymmetry of internal conflict'' and frame the issues, enlarging its base of support to a national level. At the same time, specifically indigenous issues could be resolved much more readily than the larger concerns, including those surrounding landholding, which motivated the rebellion. The shifting political context had much to do with the government's willingness to negotiate; but the Zapatista's skill at assembling a national constituency, attracting international attention, and framing the issues were decisive in achieving accords on indigenous rights. Nevertheless, in the absence of a ``mutually hurting stalemate,'' government negotiators could continue to reject Zapatista demands on issues reaching beyond strictly ethnic concerns.

The Activity of the Cluj County Branch of the Romanian National Party in the Spring of 1920 as Reflected in the Newspaper Patria

2021 ◽  
pp. 45-63
Author(s):  
Marin Pop ◽  
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Political Capital ◽  
National Party ◽  
Old Kingdom ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
People's Party ◽  
Draft Resolution ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Government ◽  
The One

"This study aims to highlight the activity of the Cluj County Branch of the Romanian National Party (hereafter abbreviated as RNP) in the spring of 1920, covering the events from the fall of the government led by Alexandru Vaida–Voevod until the end of the parliamentary elections of May–June 1920. After the Great Union, the city of Cluj became the political capital of Transylvania, especially after the Ruling Council, which was the provisional executive body of Transylvania, moved its headquarters from Sibiu to Cluj. Iuliu Maniu, the President of the Ruling Council and of the R.N.P, who was elected at the Sibiu Conference of 9–10 August 1919, had settled in Cluj as well. Moreover, at the head of Cluj County Branch of the RNP were personalities with a rich history of struggle for the cause of National Liberation of the Romanians in Transylvania: Iuliu Coroianu, Emil Hațieganu, Aurel Socol, Sever Dan, Alexandru Rusu, Ioan Giurgiu, the Archpriest Ioan Pop of Morlaca, and the Priest‑Martyr Aurel Muntean from Huedin. After the dismissal of the Vaida government, the Central Executive Committee of the RNP convened a party congress for 24 April 1920, in Alba Iulia. Just before the congress, the Cluj County organization had started the election campaign. Meetings were organized in every town and village, aiming to elect representatives for the Congress in Alba Iulia. On 21 April 1920, a large assembly was held in Cluj, during which the deputies of Cluj presented their work in Parliament. Simultaneously, delegates were elected for the Congress of Alba Iulia. The RNP Congress adopted a draft resolution and the governing bodies were elected. Iuliu Maniu was re‑elected as President. Based on the decisions adopted at the Great National Assembly of Alba Iulia on 1 December 1918, he adopted a working program, which was summarized in thirteen chapters. During the electoral campaign of 1920 two major political groups became polar opposites: the one around the People’s Party, which was in power, and the parties that formed the Parliamentary Bloc and had governed before. On the list of candidates of the Cluj County Branch of the RNP we can mostly find the former MPs of the party, as well as those who had filled various leadership positions within the Ruling Council. Following the electoral process, despite all the efforts of the People’s Party, in power at that time – especially those of Octavian Goga – to dispel the propaganda conducted by the RNP, the latter party managed to obtain 27 seats in the House and 14 in the Senate. This placed the RNP in second place among Romania’s political parties. The Cluj County Branch of the RNP was able to win two of the five electoral districts in the Chamber, as well as two in the Senate, out of the three allocated to the county. Another conclusion would be that, starting from these parliamentary elections, more and more parties from the Old Kingdom penetrated into Transylvania and Banat. They would achieve some success with the voters only when they came to hold power in the state and organize elections. Still, the RNP remained the party with the largest grip on the electorate of Transylvania and Banat, and Cluj became the political capital of Transylvania."

A Study of Political Discourses in Egypt Post-Mubarak Era

2021 ◽  
pp. 002190962110491
Author(s):  
Abbas Keshavarz Shokri ◽  
Jabbar Shojaei
Keyword(s):  
Discourse Analysis ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
The Political ◽  
Target Groups ◽  
Political Discourses ◽  
Political Struggles ◽  
Political Forces ◽  
History Of ◽  
Political Groups ◽  
Made In

The collapse of the Mubarak regime on 25 January 2011 marked the beginning of profound discursive challenges in Egypt. Following the January Revolution, the political forces and discourses long suppressed by Mubarak finally felt free to participate in the political struggles of the time, and attempted to lead the charge in the rebuilding and reorganizing process of Egyptian society. To shed light on the origin and characteristics of these discourses, attempts have been made in this paper to explain through discourse analysis the four major political discourses in today’s Egypt: democratic Islamism, authoritarian Islamism, secular democracy, and secular authoritarianism, and also to identify the political groups representing each discourse, their target groups, the method of their argumentation, and finally their proposed political agenda. To explain these discourses, the a posteriori discourse method is used, i.e. identifying the history of the formation of components and features of discourses. To this end, the discourse analysis of theorists such as Foucault and Van Dyke has been used to examine political discourses in Egypt. The factors used to examine the discourses are: discourse producers, discourse audiences, discourse content, and discourse actions.

Maxim Pozdorovkin on Our New President

2019 ◽  
pp. 441-450
Author(s):  
Scott MacDonald
Keyword(s):  
Significant Contribution ◽  
The Political ◽  
Fake News ◽  
Hillary Clinton ◽  
Donald Trump ◽  
Online Networks ◽  
Feminist Performance ◽  
Radical Feminist ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Government

Russian-American filmmaker Maxim Pozdorovkin has made a series of films documenting Russia in the age of Putin, including the well-known Pussy Riot (2013), about the radical feminist performance group. This interview focuses specifically on Our New President (2017), which traces the Hillary Clinton/Donald Trump presidential race and the Trump election as depicted in Russian propaganda. Pozdorovkin’s film is a significant contribution to the recent history of recycled cinema. The political weaponizing of media to produce “fake news” is the focus of Our New President. Pozdorovkin demonstrates that in the 2010s propaganda is not so much misinformation carefully embedded in an otherwise informative context, but an attempt to overwhelm by creating total media confusion. He makes clear that in Russia the government controls all major news outlets and hacking into the online networks of other nations is considered patriotism.

The political and legal views of Mikhail Speranskiy in the Rules on the Siberian Kirghiz

2016 ◽  
Vol 84 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 290-312 ◽  
Author(s):  
Roman Yu. Pochekaev
Keyword(s):  
19Th Century ◽  
Practical Importance ◽  
The Political ◽  
Substantial Part ◽  
Government Reform ◽  
Administrative Reforms ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Government ◽  
Regional Authorities ◽  
The 19Th Century

Mikhail Speranskiy, an outstanding Russian statesman and legislator of the first half of the 19th century, was Governor-General of Siberia from 1819 to 1821. The main result of this moment in his career was the government reform in Asiatic Russia as well as the formulation in 1822 of a set of codes – rules and regulations – for Siberia and its peoples. Speranskiy tried to incorporate his theories on state and law into these codifications. One of these codes was the Rules on the Siberian Kirghiz which provided for a reform of the government system of the Kazakhs (‘Kirghiz’ in the Russian pre-revolutionary tradition) of the Middle Horde, who were under the control of Siberian regional authorities. The Middle Horde became a place where Speranskiy could experiment with his ideas. Previous researchers have paid more attention to the consequences of the promulgation of the ‘Rules on the Siberian Kirghiz’ for the later history of Kazakhstan. This paper clarifies which specific ideas of Speranskiy on state and law the Rules on the Siberian Kirghiz reflect, and answers the question of whether they had practical importance. A substantial part of the ‘Rules on the Siberian Kirghiz’ was, in fact, ineffective and would not be used in practice because of Speranskiy’s lack of knowledge of the Kazakhs, and his underrating of their political and legal level. At the same time, the authority of Speranskiy in 19th century Russia as legislator and reformer was so high that his Rules on the Siberian Kirghiz remained in force until the 1860’s, when the next substantial administrative reforms of the Kazakh steppe took place.


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