Forcing the Political Agenda: The Zapatista Rebellion and the Limits of Ethnic Bargaining in Mexico

1997 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 123-146 ◽  
Author(s):  
Keyword(s):  
Land Reform ◽  
National Level ◽  
Indigenous Rights ◽  
Internal Conflict ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
Southern Mexico ◽  
Indigenous Movement ◽  
Mexican Government ◽  
The Government ◽  
Base Of Support

AbstractThe Zapatista rebels of southern Mexico have achieved considerable success both in maintaining themselves against unlikely odds and in coming to agreement with the Mexican government on issues affecting indigenous rights and identity. At the same time, a central demand, both of the Zapatistas and the indigenous movement which they have helped to revitalize, namely revision of the 1992 constitutional reforms affecting corporate claims to land and the possibility of further land reform, has been roundly rejected by the government. The paper explains both Zapatista achievements and the limits to ethnic bargaining evident in the negotiations to date through an analysis of the dynamic process by which both sides came to the negotiating table and shaped and reshaped the rules of the bargaining game. It draws on social movement theory to show how the Zapatistas in particular were able to overcome the ``asymmetry of internal conflict'' and frame the issues, enlarging its base of support to a national level. At the same time, specifically indigenous issues could be resolved much more readily than the larger concerns, including those surrounding landholding, which motivated the rebellion. The shifting political context had much to do with the government's willingness to negotiate; but the Zapatista's skill at assembling a national constituency, attracting international attention, and framing the issues were decisive in achieving accords on indigenous rights. Nevertheless, in the absence of a ``mutually hurting stalemate,'' government negotiators could continue to reject Zapatista demands on issues reaching beyond strictly ethnic concerns.

History, Memory, and Utopia in the Missionaries' Creation of the Indigenous Movement in Brazil (1967–1988)

2014 ◽  
Vol 70 (4) ◽  
pp. 707-730
Author(s):  
Jean-Philippe Belleau
Keyword(s):  
Political Representation ◽  
Primary Source ◽  
Indigenous Rights ◽  
Mato Grosso ◽  
Conscious Effort ◽  
Indigenous Movement ◽  
Political Traditions ◽  
The Government ◽  
First Time ◽  
Or History

On April 17, 1974, and die two days following, a gathering of 16 indigenous participants from nine different indigenous societies was held in Diamantino, Mato Grosso, Brazil. During the three days, vernacular narratives, trivial announcements, and critiques of the government and local ranchers were presented—without any of the participants significantly engaging with one another. Only one primary source on this event, a short, typed document, is available today. The historicity of this “Assembly of Indigenous Chiefs” is granted by both the anthropological and the historical situations of the participating communities. For the first time, individuals from indigenous societies that did not share ethnic borders or history met to advance indigenous rights; for the first time also, these individuals were granted political representation (of their groups), a notion largely foreign to indigenous political traditions. There was a conscious effort to draw chiefs from as many communities as possible and to establish a large, pan-Indian movement.

The Land Acquisition Act, 1992 of Zimbabwe

1993 ◽  
Vol 37 (1) ◽  
pp. 82-88 ◽  
Author(s):  
Simon Coldham
Keyword(s):  
Land Reform ◽  
Land Policy ◽  
Land Acquisition ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
The Political ◽  
Land Distribution ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Government

The gazetting of the Land Acquisition Bill on 24 January, 1992 unleashed what has been described as the fiercest debate ever known in the history of Zimbabwe. However, the issue of land reform had been back on the political agenda ever since the expiry of the Lancaster House Constitution on 18 April, 1990, and pressures from a variety of quarters, both internal and external, had been brought to bear on the government during the intervening period. In particular, its adoption in 1990 of a document declaring National Land Policy had generated intense controversy. In accordance with the principles set out in that document the government has sought to facilitate the acquisition of land for resettlement purposes, first by amending section 16 of the Lancaster House Constitution and subsequently by enacting the Land Acquisition Act. In formulating its policy the government has recognized both the need to redress inequalities in land distribution and the need to take into account current national and international socio-economic realities. The result is a compromise.

W(h)ither the Human Rights of Indigenous Australians (From Wik to Wickedness?)

1998 ◽  
Vol 67 (4) ◽  
pp. 393-422 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Indigenous Rights ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
The Political ◽  
Indigenous Australians ◽  
Political Debate ◽  
Cultural Economic ◽  
Native Title ◽  
Recent Developments ◽  
The Government

AbstractThe international community is increasingly concerned with indigenous rights. The essence of the claims that international law seeks to accommodate involves the ability of indigenous people to make decisions about social, cultural, economic and environmental matters in their region. This paper looks at some aspects of the human rights of indigenous Australians from that perspective. It contains three interlocking sections. The first section outlines the background to the Australian High Court decision in Wik Peoples v. Queensland in which the majority of the Court said that aboriginal native title to land could co-exist with pastoral lease activity. The second part looks at the furore provoked by this decision, advancing arguments about the media and political treatment of the issue. Here we contend, doubtless rhetorically ourselves, that the Australian government has moved from Wik to Wickedness in dealing with this issue. The third part looks at recent developments and offers some conclusions as to where the legal resolution of native title to land in Australia might have emerged. In our conclusion we also consider the direction of the political and legal debate since the Australian Labor Party led by Paul Keating lost the 1996 election in a landslide, and the increasing narrowness of an economically conservative political agenda. Our overall theme, which stems directly from that, is the paucity of the political debate over Australian indigenous human rights. Rhetoric has abounded and could prompt many questions about the political debate in Australia over this issue, and the obligations of politicians. Law has formed a vital background to this: at time lauded, at times rejected vehemently by the Government.

Revolutionary Land Reform and Its End in Mexico

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joseph U. Lenti
Keyword(s):  
Government Policy ◽  
Land Reform ◽  
The Other ◽  
Public Land ◽  
Rural Land ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Mexican Government ◽  
Private And Public ◽  
The Government

For seventy-five years the Mexican government allocated private and public land to people who needed it—and lots of it. An average of 1.3 million hectares were redistributed annually from 1917 to 1992, for a total of nearly 1 million square kilometers, or, almost exactly half of the nation’s arable area. On the other hand, serious flaws in government policy, coupled with macroeconomic, demographic, and environmental phenomena, undermined the program and turned its signature component, the ejido, into a synonym for rural backwardness and poverty. Thus, in spite of the astonishing volume of redistributed land, many assert that revolutionary land reform in Mexico failed: that it did not permanently improve the lives of rural land recipients as much as convert them into clients of the government.

History, Memory, and Utopia in the Missionaries' Creation of the Indigenous Movement in Brazil (1967–1988)

2014 ◽  
Vol 70 (04) ◽  
pp. 707-730
Author(s):  
Jean-Philippe Belleau
Keyword(s):  
Political Representation ◽  
Primary Source ◽  
Indigenous Rights ◽  
Mato Grosso ◽  
Conscious Effort ◽  
Indigenous Movement ◽  
Political Traditions ◽  
The Government ◽  
First Time ◽  
Or History

On April 17, 1974, and die two days following, a gathering of 16 indigenous participants from nine different indigenous societies was held in Diamantino, Mato Grosso, Brazil. During the three days, vernacular narratives, trivial announcements, and critiques of the government and local ranchers were presented—without any of the participants significantly engaging with one another. Only one primary source on this event, a short, typed document, is available today. The historicity of this “Assembly of Indigenous Chiefs” is granted by both the anthropological and the historical situations of the participating communities. For the first time, individuals from indigenous societies that did not share ethnic borders or history met to advance indigenous rights; for the first time also, these individuals were granted political representation (of their groups), a notion largely foreign to indigenous political traditions. There was a conscious effort to draw chiefs from as many communities as possible and to establish a large, pan-Indian movement.

scholarly journals STATUTE NOTE

2001 ◽  
Vol 45 (2) ◽  
pp. 227-229 ◽  
Author(s):  
Simon Coldham
Keyword(s):  
Land Reform ◽  
Land Policy ◽  
Land Acquisition ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
The Political ◽  
International Pressure ◽  
Fair Compensation ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Right ◽  
Statutory Basis

LAND ACQUISITION AMENDMENT ACT, 2000 (ZIMBABWE)Since Zimbabwe became independent in 1980 the issue of land reform and, in particular, the issue of land acquisition and redistribution has seldom been off the political agenda. For the first ten years of independence there were constitutional constraints on the acquisition of land for resettlement purposes, but the National Land Policy of 1990 set out plans for an accelerated programme of resettlement. In order to achieve its ambitious targets the government of Zimbabwe saw the need to strengthen its powers of compulsory acquisition both by amending section 16 of the Constitution (which provided strong protection against the compulsory acquisition of property) and by enacting the Land Acquisition Act to provide a statutory basis for the new policy. These reforms were extremely controversial both inside and outside the country and a clause excluding the right to fair compensation for expropriated land was dropped partly in response to international pressure.

scholarly journals Jalur Mediasi dalam Penyelesaian Sengketa Pertanahan Sebagai Dorongan Pemenuhan Hak Asasi Manusia

2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 212-236
Author(s):  
Yudha Chandra Arwana ◽  
Ridwan Arifin
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Dispute Resolution ◽  
Land Reform ◽  
National Level ◽  
Land Ownership ◽  
Land Reforms ◽  
Resolution Process ◽  
Dispute Resolution Process ◽  
National Human ◽  
The Government

Permasalahan sengketa pertanahan di banyak tempat memicu berbagai konflik, baik itu antara kelompok masyarakat, masyarakat dengan pengusaha, atau masyarakat dengan pemerintah. Pada banyak kasus di Indonesia, konflik agrarian sangat berkaitan erat gagalnya pemenuhan hak-hak warga oleh pemerintah, baik pada tingkat lokal daerah maupun nasional. Kepemilikan tanah dan kepastian hukum dalam permasalahan agrarian di Indonesia mengacu dan merujuk pada Undang-Undang No. 5 Tahun 1960 tentang Peraturan Dasar Pokok-Pokok Agraria (UUPA). Reformasi Agraria (Landreform) menjadi salah satu bentuk implementasi undang-undang tersebut, termasuk perubahan struktur penguasaan pemilikan tanah yang tidak hanya dimaknai sebagai makna politik namun juga teknis. Tulisan ini menganalisis aktivitas landreform di Indonesia dalam kajian hak asasi manusia, termasuk proses penyelesaian sengketa pertanahan. Metode yang digunakan dalam tulisan ini yuridis normatif, dimana kajian hanya meliputi norma dan dasar hukum yang digunakan dalam penyelesaian sengketa agrarian dalam berbagai kasus. Kasus yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini bukan hasil penelusuran lapangan secara langsung, namun kasus-kasus yang sudah pernah terjadi di berbagai daerah yang diperoleh melalui media cetak atau online. Tulisan ini menegaskan bahwa proses penyelesaian sengketa agraria pada banyak kasus di Indonesia belum memenuhi standar pemenuhan hak asasi manusia, seperti adanya upaya paksa dan tindak kekerasan dari pemerintah, sikap refresif, diskriminatif, dan intimidatif. Tulisan ini menggarisbawahi dan menyimpulkan bahwa dalam penyelesaian konflik agraria dalam kajian hak asasi manusia harus melibatkan banyak pihak, salah satunya Komnas HAM.Land disputes in many places trigger various conflicts, whether between community groups, communities and entrepreneurs, or communities with the government. In many cases in Indonesia, agrarian conflict is closely related to the failure of the fulfilment of citizens' rights by the government, both at the local and national level. Land ownership and legal certainty in agrarian issues in Indonesia refer to and refer to Law No. 5 of 1960 concerning Basic Agrarian Principles Regulation (UUPA). Agrarian reform (Land Reform) is one form of implementation of the law, including a change in the structure of ownership of land ownership which is not only interpreted as a political but also a technical meaning. This paper analyse the activities of land reforms in Indonesia in the study of human rights, including the land dispute resolution process. The method used in this paper is normative juridical, where the study only covers the norms and legal basis used in agrarian dispute resolution in various cases. The cases used in this study are not direct field search results, but cases that have already occurred in various regions were obtained through print or online media. This paper emphasizes that the agrarian dispute resolution process in many cases in Indonesia has not met the standards of fulfilment of human rights, such as the existence of forced efforts and acts of violence from the government, repressive, discriminatory and intimidating attitudes. This paper underlines and concludes that the resolution of agrarian conflicts in the study of human rights must involve many parties, one of which is the National Human Rights Commission.

The Crisis of Cardenismo

1970 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 51-79 ◽  
Author(s):  
Albert L. Michaels
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Catholic Church ◽  
Land Reform ◽  
Mexican History ◽  
Oil Companies ◽  
Urban Workers ◽  
Mexican Government ◽  
The Government ◽  
Lazaro Cardenas ◽  
The Church

By April 1938, Lázaro Cárdenas had altered the course of modern Mexican history. The hacienda system had virtually disappeared to be replaced by smallholdings and by collective and semi-collective ejidos. The church-state quarrel, cause of so much bloodshed in the 1920s, had largely subsided; the Catholic Church had supported the government against the foreign oil companies, even seeking to help the government collect money to pay for the nationalization. Both the nation's agrarian and urban workers had formed powerful, well-organized unions ready and able to defend their members' newly won gains. Most important to subsequent developments, however, was the government's expropriation of the foreign oil companies in March of 1938. The oil companies had defied every twentieth-century Mexican government; nationalization temporarily united Mexicans as never before in the nation's history. Although these accomplishments, especially the land reform and oil expropriation, established Cárdenas's credentials as the most radical of modern Mexican presidents, his subsequent behaviour has made many, especially on the extreme left, question his sincerity.

Museums, heritage and the politics of pursuing indigenous rights in Taiwan

2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 474-484
Author(s):  
Shu-Li Wang
Keyword(s):  
Case Studies ◽  
Political Ideology ◽  
Cultural Awareness ◽  
Indigenous Rights ◽  
The Other ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Indigenous Movement ◽  
The Government ◽  
The One ◽  
Indigenous Heritage

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to trace the development of indigenous heritage rights in Taiwan. It examines how this pursuit is intertwined with the global indigenous movement, national political interests and rising local cultural awareness. Design/methodology/approach This paper focuses on the rise of indigenous rights in Taiwan by looking at political shifts, indigenous museums and changing frameworks through which heritage is understood. The paper uses two case studies: one is the implementation of a heritage protection law in Taiwan; the other is the launch of indigenous museums. Findings In Taiwan, heritage is often associated with political ideology, power relations and resource distribution. The development of heritage discourse is inseparable from the international heritage trend as well as the local political situation. Originality/value The pursuit of indigenous heritage rights in Taiwan is supported on the one hand by the government so as to define a distinctive Taiwanese culture and on the other to meet the demands of Taiwan’s indigenous movement. Two case studies are provided to examine the pros and cons of current indigenous heritage projects in Taiwan.

Tata kelola internal dan eksternal untuk mengatasi permasalahan pangan di Indonesia

2018 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Reza Hendriyantore
Keyword(s):  
Good Governance ◽  
National Level ◽  
Open Government ◽  
Agricultural Cooperatives ◽  
Methodological Framework ◽  
Agricultural Cooperative ◽  
The Reformation ◽  
The Government ◽  
Good Access ◽  
Descriptive Method

The effort to put good governance in development in Indonesia is basically not new. Since the Reformation, the transformation of closed government into an open government (inclusive) has begun to be pursued. Highlighting the conflicts in the land sector that tend to strengthen lately, there are some issues that have intensified conflicts in the field, such as the lack of guaranteed land rights in various legal and policy products. In this paper, a descriptive method is considered important in identifying the applicable issue and methodological framework for addressing governance issues in Indonesia. To reduce such agrarian conflicts between farmers and the government, and as an effort to increase farmers' income, all farmers are incorporated into agricultural cooperatives. Agricultural cooperatives are structured down to the National Level. Thus, farmers participate in good access to the marketing of agricultural produce.Keywords:good governance, agrarian conflict, agricultural cooperative

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