The Status of Politics 1909–1919: The New Republic, Randolph Bourne and Van Wyck Brooks

1974 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 171-202 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul F. Bourke

We have learned recently from the work of a number of historians that the process of national mobilisation and the erection of unprecedented controls over industry during World War I offered to important groups of American liberals models for permanent collectivist reform and institutional renewal. The ease with which such controls were dismantled ought not to obscure the remarkable attraction they appeared to have in 1917 and 1918. It is clear that agencies such as the War Industries Board, the Railroad Administration, the War Labor Board, the Inquiry, and the National Board for Historical Service attracted not only the wartime enthusiasm of intellectuals; these agencies were seen to contain potential for peacetime use.

2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 21-48
Author(s):  
Elżbieta Dynia

The article concerns international recognition of the Polish state established after World War I in the year 1918, the Polish state and the status of Poland in terms of international law during World War II and after its conclusion until the birth of the Third Polish Republic in the year 1989. A study of related issues confirmed the thesis of the identity and continuity of the Polish state by international law since the year 1918, as solidified in Polish international law teachings, and showed that the Third Polish Republic is, under international law, not a new state, but a continuation of both the Second Polish Republic as well as the People’s Republic of Poland.


2020 ◽  
pp. 206-214
Author(s):  
Michael Geheran

The book closes with a short glimpse into the history of Jewish veterans after 1945, as the survivors of the camps returned to Germany, outlining ruptures and continuities in comparison with the pre-Nazi period. Jewish veterans imposed different narratives on their experiences under National Socialism. As the past receded into the distance, it became a concern for the survivors to engage with the past, which they variously looked back on with nostalgia, disillusionment, or bitter anger. Although National Socialism threatened to erase everything that Jewish veterans of World War I had achieved and sacrificed, sought to destroy the identity they had constructed as soldiers in the service of the nation, as well as bonds with gentile Germans that had been forged under fire during the war, threatened to sever their connections to the status they had earned as soldiers of the Great War and defenders of the fatherland, their minds, their values and their character remained intact. Jewish veterans preserved their sense of German identity.


Author(s):  
Anna Agafonova

The article is devoted to the analysis of the industrial development dynamics in Cherepovets in the late imperial period, during the revolution, the establishment of Soviet power and the first Five-Year Plans of industrialization. The purpose of the study is to reconstruct Cherepovets industrialization in the context of the urban space development in the 1880–1940s before the construction of a metallurgical plant and gaining the status of an industrial center. In the 1880–1940s Cherepovets industry mainly served the needs of the city and the governorate. Small industries dominated in the city. They were located on the city outskirts, as well as near local rivers. The present research is based on materials taken from the archives of the Cherepovets Museum Association, the Cherepovets Documentation Storage Center, the Russian State Historical Archive, and from official state statistics and periodicals. The analysis of these documents allowed the author to study the dynamics of Cherepovets industry development. The article states that developmental peaks that were associated with a quantitative increase in factories and plants in the city and that occurred on the eve and in the first years of World War I, as well as in the second Five-Year Plan of Soviet industrialization. The decline in industrial production was influenced by political events related to the end of World War I, the revolution, the civil war, and the outbreak of the Great Patriotic War. They had a decisive influence on the economy of the country and the city. In the period under the study the urban space grew due to the expansion of urban outskirts, where industrial enterprises were built, and the inclusion of neighboring villages in the urban area. The results obtained in the study are significant for understanding the processes of the industrial potential formation in Soviet industrial centers, as well as for the subsequent studies devoted to the development of socioenvironmental urban problems caused by industrialization.


1977 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 220-240 ◽  
Author(s):  
Carl H. E. Zangerl

Surveying the German political situation in the spring of 1913, the chairman of the National Liberal Party in Baden, Edmund Rebmann, could only see “black,” the adjective commonly used to describe the Catholic Center Party. The Center was systematically tightening its grip on the states of south Germany: Bavaria had already fallen under its domination; Württemberg and Alsace-Lorraine were wavering; even Baden, the last stronghold of liberalism south of the Main, was threatened. Rebmann was deeply concerned. “A united south Germany with purely black governments,” he warned a meeting of National Liberal leaders in Karlsruhe, Baden's capital, “would be an enormous prize for the Center” and might ultimately undermine the unity of the German empire. His assessment was shared by other political observers who had witnessed at first hand the way in which the Center Party had insinuated itself into a virtually impregnable position in German politics. While there is no evidence of a conspiracy to break up the empire, the Center, with its solid block of votes in the Reichstag, its growing representation in the Landtage of south Germany, and its famous tactical flexibility, was able to exert considerable influence over government policy both nationally and regionally in the decade before World War I. The party once designated by Bismarck as an enemy of the Reich had become a conservative friend of the status quo.


2019 ◽  
Vol 52 (2) ◽  
pp. 105-115
Author(s):  
Steffen Kailitz ◽  
Andreas Umland

While socioeconomic crisis — like in Germany after World War I and in Russia after the Cold War — is a necessary precondition for democratic erosion resulting in a breakdown of democracy, it is not a sufficient condition. We identify, in the cases of Weimar Germany and post-Soviet Russia, a post-imperial syndrome that includes nationalist irredentism and an ambition to return to the status quo ante of a “great power” as a main reason why democratization faces specific and enormous challenges for former “great powers.” A slide back to authoritarianism in post-imperial democracies takes a high toll. It is facilitated by international political conflicts, including annexation and wars, with new neighbouring states that harbor territories perceived as external national homelands like the Sudetenland or Crimea.


Slavic Review ◽  
2002 ◽  
Vol 61 (4) ◽  
pp. 762-786 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mikhail Loukianov

The article analyzes the relationship of conservatives to the political order that arose after the 1905 revolution. It suggests that by the start of World War I, a dissatisfaction with the status quo had become a characteristic feature of Russian conservatism. The archaic formula “orthodoxy, autocracy, nationality” was the quintessential conservative discourse, both for nationalist supporters of conservative reforms and for opponents of any innovation such as Dubrovin’s All-Russian Union of the Russian People. But this formula existed in sharp contradiction to the realities of “renewed Russia.” Conservatives continually underscored the lack of correspondence between reality and their conservative dogma. In conservative circles, the growth of social tensions on the eve of the war was also understood as evidence of the inadequacy of the new political order. Because of this, Russian conservatives did not aspire to preserve the Third of June system and did not try to restore it after February 1917.


2018 ◽  
Vol 11 ◽  
pp. 267-274
Author(s):  
Patrice M. Dabrowski

THE TRANSGRESSIVE "EUROPEIZATION" OF CARPATHIAN WILDERNESS: RESORT DEVELOPMENT IN THE HUTSUL REGIN BEFORE WORLD WAR IThe development of resorts and spas in the Hutsul region before World War I has been a blank spot in Polish and Ukrainian historiography. This chapter presents the state of current research. Development in the region began for good after 1894, the year the Stanisławów-Körösmezö railway was opened. Built by the Austrian authorities with military and strategic aims in mind, the railway nonetheless made this beautiful but wild borderland region accessible to masses of guests from the cities of Eastern Galicia who sought to breathe the fresh highland air, take baths of various kinds as well as relax and vacation. This chapter focuses on the activities of a series of entrepreneurial individuals who revolutionized the region by building villas and hotels, establishing restaurants and stores as well as supplying the high-altitude resorts with the necessary infrastructure — whatever was needed to create resorts on a “European” level. This rapid “europeanization” of the Carpathian wilderness was transgressive in that it violated the status quo and turned local norms upside down. This had implications for ethnic relations in the region, with Ukrainians and Hutsuls as well as Poles, Jews and Germans involved.


2019 ◽  
pp. 224-240
Author(s):  
Deniz Ertan

World War I, with its attendant music and noise, was followed immediately by an influenza epidemic (the “Spanish flu”) that was met by a resounding silence. To meet the epidemic, theatres closed and gatherings were prohibited; Western culture itself paused until the danger passed. Realistic portrayals and responses through music were rare (in contrast to the war), but they may be detectable in works by artists as diverse as Charles Tomlinson Griffes and Blind Willie Johnson. The nationalism of the conflict yielded to a new transnationalism, neither peaceful nor stable, described most memorably by Randolph Bourne, himself a victim of the disease.


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