“How Do We Write about This?” The Domestic and the Global in the Post-9/11 Novel

2011 ◽  
Vol 45 (4) ◽  
pp. 717-731 ◽  
Author(s):  
CATHERINE MORLEY

This article argues that far from marking a break in recent literary development, the terrorist attacks of 9/11 made less of an impact on American fiction than we often think. Critics have often accused writers after 9/11 of “retreating” into the domestic; in fact, domestic and individual narratives, often set against sweeping historical backgrounds, already dominated American writing in the late 1990s. At first, therefore, novelists handling the events of 9/11 framed them within the personal and the small-scale. In the last two years, however, writers such as Adam Haslett and Jonathan Franzen have begun publishing broader, more ambitious state-of-the-nation novels, explicitly addressing the United States' relationship with the Middle East and the impact of globalization. Yet in these novels, too, the global and the personal are tightly intertwined; again and again, writers are drawn to the domestic themes that have so often dominated American literature.

2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (12) ◽  
pp. 126-149
Author(s):  
D. V. GORDIENKO ◽  

The paper assesses the impact of the middle East component of the policy of the United States of America, the people's Republic of China and the Russian Federation on ensuring the national security of these countries. We propose an approach to comparing this influence, which allows us to identify the priorities of Russia's policy in the middle East and other regions of the world. The results of the work can be used to justify recommendations to the military and political leadership of our country. It is concluded that the middle East component of the policy of the United States, China and Russia is gaining a significant role in the implementation of the current economic and military policies of the countries of the middle East region.


2021 ◽  
pp. 143-166
Author(s):  
Payam Ghalehdar

This chapter serves as an introduction to the second part of the book’s empirical analysis by sketching the evolution of US attitudes toward the Middle East. It shows how the United States relied on the British military to safeguard US interests in the region until the end of the 1960s and then on regional proxies after the British military withdrawal from the region. Even after the end of the Cold War, successive US administrations eschewed hegemonic expectations toward the region until the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001. The chapter concludes by briefly illustrating how the lack of both hegemonic pretensions and perceptions of anti-American hatred in Saddam Hussein’s invasion of Kuwait foreclosed US regime change in the 1991 Gulf War.


2008 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 3-40 ◽  
Author(s):  
Geraint Hughes

This article analyzes the impact on transatlantic relations of the October 1973 Arab-Israeli war, focusing on the discrepancy between U.S. and British views of Middle Eastern security before and during the conflict. Despite the institutional factors shaping the U.S.-British “special relationship” and the much greater power of the United States compared to Britain, British policy during the 1973 war was sharply at odds with U.S. policy. This article shows that British policy toward the Middle East was shaped not only by economic concerns (namely the importance of Arab oil to the UK economy) but also by the strategic requirement to undermine Soviet influence in the region and strengthen ties between the Western powers and the Arab states.


2007 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Amanda Rudman ◽  
Kevin Schoonover ◽  
Arthur Neron-Bancel ◽  
Israel Barriga

These four nations showcase the state of Islamism as a political force in the Middle East. Because of differing political circumstances in each state, the impact and viability of following Muslim law varies. In order to best explain why this is so, we will explore the political background of each nation, as well as discuss the current political climates of the countries in question. Finally, we will postulate as to what type of impact the ascension of an Islamic government will have on relations with the Western world, whether it be European nations, as is the case with Turkey, or the United States, as with Kuwait, Jordan and Egypt. The implications of this possibility are enormous; therefore, we feel that the importance of understanding the region cannot be overstated.


2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (12) ◽  
pp. 65-87
Author(s):  
D. V. GORDIENKO ◽  

The paper assesses the impact of the middle East component of the policy of the United States of America, the people's Republic of China and the Russian Federation on ensuring the national security of these countries. We propose an approach to comparing this influence, which allows us to identify the priorities of Russia's policy in the middle East and other regions of the world. The results of the work can be used to justify recommendations to the military and political leadership of our country. It is concluded that the middle East component of the policy of the United States, China and Russia is gaining a significant role in the implementation of the current economic and military policies of the countries of the middle East region.


Author(s):  
Michael C. Hudson

This chapter examines the roots of U.S. foreign policy in the Middle East. It begins with an overview of the origins and development of the United States’s involvement in the region over the past century, focusing on the traditional American interests. It then considers the structure of Middle Eastern policymaking and its domestic political context, as well as Washington’s response to new regional tensions and upheavals since the late 1970s. It also discusses new developments in the region, including the rise of the Islamic Republic of Iran, the Al-Qaeda and the 9/11 terrorist attacks, the U.S.-led interventions in Afghanistan and Iraq, and the Palestinian–Israeli impasse. The evolution of U.S. policy since 2000 in the administrations of George W. Bush and Barack Obama is explored as well. The chapter concludes with an analysis of an ‘Obama doctrine’ and ‘American decline’ in the Middle East and the world.


The article analyzes the current concepts of US foreign policy, the direction of US foreign policy, and examines the economic background of US foreign policy. In particular, the fundamental indicators of US economic development have been studied, which allow the state to be a regional and world leader and pursue a hegemony strategy. The subject of research in the article is to determine the general and specific aspects of US foreign policy at the present stage. The goal is to determine the impact of US policy on the geopolitical transformation of the world. Objectives: the study of modern concepts of US foreign policy in the context of globalization and regionalization of the world. The study used the following general scientific methods: using the system analysis, the evolution of the US foreign policy in the globalization languages of the world was considered; In order to generalize the activities of various administrations and governments, compare their positions on shaping the country's foreign policy, a comparative historical method was used. relationship. The following results were obtained: on the basis of the analysis of the current US policy, the political strategies of the United States in Europe and the Middle East were discovered and analyzed in detail. Conclusions: The United States remains the key actor in international relations at the present stage, and so far retains its influence on the processes in the world. US foreign policy is aimed at stabilizing international relations in such key regions as the Middle East and the EU. A comprehensive analysis of the presidents and their administrations suggests the continuity of US foreign policy in the Middle East. With the arrival of D. Trump, the foreign policy of American Republicans is saturated with power and cruelty.


2015 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 65-80 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sergio Fabbrini ◽  
Amr Yossef

The existing literature explains the wavering course of President Barack Obama's policy on the 2001–03 Egyptian crisis as attributed to either his personal characteristics (lack of an international experience, predisposition to sermonize rather than to strategize) or to the impact of the decline of the United States as a global superpower (inability to influence foreign actors and contexts). Although both explanations are worthy of consideration, this article seeks to demonstrate that they are insufficient when accounting for the uncertainties shown by the United States during the Egyptian crisis. Domestic factors, particularly the internally divided US political elite and a foreign policy team with different views, played a crucial intervening role in defining the features of US foreign policy. It was domestic politics that made the Obama administration ineffective in dealing with the new scenario that emerged in the Middle East and in Egypt in particular.


2019 ◽  
Vol 62 (2) ◽  
pp. 304-319
Author(s):  
SaunJuhi Verma

Temporary worker programs are on the rise both across the globe and particularly within the United States. Established research focuses upon the impact of immigration policies as well as outcomes for migrant communities within the labor market. In contrast, my work draws attention to the population of citizen-workers who participate in cyclical migration patterns within transnational labor markets. My multi-site ethnography, consisting of 109 interviews with US guest workers, oil industry employers, and Indian labor brokers, evaluates the impact of temporary worker programs on migration patterns from India to the Middle East to the United States. (In this article, I use the counter-naming of the Middle East as Southwest Asia and North Africa (SWANA). I avoid use of colonial terminology such as Middle East to refer to the countries in the region of North Africa and West Asia. The language is archaic and perpetuates the historic referencing of Europe as the central geographic reference point.). In particular, the study evaluated a multi-country migrant recruitment chain to address the question: How does the non-citizen visa situate migrants as global labor within the transnational economy? Findings identify that non-citizen visa pathway is a contemporary mode of governance through which labor is traded among third parties. The article outlines the complicity of nation-state regulation in shaping limited economic outcomes for migrants within cyclical multi-country labor markets.


2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (4) ◽  
pp. 240-259
Author(s):  
Harem Hasan Ahmad ◽  
Ribwar Khalid Mustafa ◽  
Ibrahim Ali Salim

Following the end of World War II, and emerging of a vacuum after the withdrawal of British and French forces from some of the Middle East countries in the region, creating fear in Western countries, particularly the United States, that the Eastern Bloc, in particular Russia, would seek to fill the vacuum and spread the idea of leftism and communism in the region. For this reason, the United States has made every effort to confront the idea of communism and establish a foothold in the region among its policies. To this end, then US President Harry Truman announced his country's new policy in the context of the Truman project on the Middle East in (1945). Following Harry Truman, when Eisenhower assumed power as the new US president in (1953), he put forward the new policy of his country named Eisenhower’s Dwight in Congress in order to confront Russian politics and infiltrate communist thought in the area. There were several items in his project that emphasized the cooperation of Middle Eastern countries, especially in the economic and military fields.       The Eisenhower’s Dwight has had a variety of reactions from countries in the region, especially Arab countries. Some have accepted it from the very beginning. Some also expressed opposition to the project. There were also countries that initially opposed the Eisenhower project, but after a period of time following US efforts and pressure, eventually endorsed the project and became a fan of the US. As a result of these political divisions in the region, several political and military alliances between the countries of the Middle East Were formed. The idea of Nasser and the idea of Arab nationalism come to life at this time. Although originally favored by the Eastern Bloc, especially Russia, it also partially weakened the notion of communism and was about to cause tension between proponents of these two ideas. This situation had nothing in fact to do other than destabilizing the political state and the occurrence of several coups in order to change the regime of some of Middle Eastern countries, besides the long sovereignty of some Arab rulers.Regarding the Soveit Union attitude towards the Eisenhower’s doctrine, it can be seen that,the Soveit Union ctitisized  by the Soviet authorities from internal and external the SoveitUnbion.For instance the The Soveit Union attempted to gain extermal allies among the Middle Middle Eastren countries to convince them this doctrine is a part previous imperliams that supported by Westren countries.Finally,in the United Nation,The Soveit attempted to make a campaign to remove this doctrine as it mention a therat of world peace.


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