Police Misconduct and Political Legitimacy in Central America

2015 ◽  
Vol 47 (2) ◽  
pp. 251-283 ◽  
Author(s):  
JOSÉ MIGUEL CRUZ
Keyword(s):  
Central America ◽  
Police Officers ◽  
Public Support ◽  
Political Legitimacy ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
The Political ◽  
Police Misconduct ◽  
Police Corruption ◽  
Political Impact ◽  
Public Collaboration

AbstractWhat is the political impact of police corruption and abuse? From the literature, we know that police misconduct destroys people's confidence in police forces and hampers public collaboration with the criminal-justice system; but, what about the political regime, especially in countries striving for democratic governance? Does police wrongdoing affect the legitimacy of the overall regime? Focusing on Central America, this article provides empirical evidence showing that corruption and abuse perpetrated by police officers erode public support for the political order. Results indicate that, under some circumstances, police transgressions can have a greater impact on the legitimacy of the political system than crime or insecurity. They also show that police misconduct not only affects democratising regimes, such as El Salvador and Guatemala, but also consolidated democracies, such as Costa Rica.

The political, economic and cultural drivers of police corruption

2020 ◽  
pp. 73-94
Author(s):  
Danny Singh
Keyword(s):  
Police Officers ◽  
Moral Economy ◽  
The Political ◽  
Public Officials ◽  
Police Corruption ◽  
For Profit ◽  
Illicit Markets ◽  
Economic Necessity ◽  
Political Economic ◽  
Systemic Corruption

This is another theoretical chapter that generates a framework to thread through the context of Afghan policing. Theories related to a political economy approach to examine the interrelationship between bureaucratic agents and economic elites and the coping strategies of poorly waged public officials and police officers. This theoretical basis informs some aspects of the political and economic drivers of corruption. The political drivers specifically cover systemic corruption which is when corruption becomes institutionally embedded from the top to the lower levels. In addition, patronage, nepotism and ethnic favouritism forms a ‘moral economy’ to deter meritocratic recruitment. Moreover, state capture occurs when main parts of the state are infiltrated by narrow criminal and affiliated political interests for profit making, usually with illicit markets. The economic drivers are focused on corruption as a means of economic necessity, namely low pay, and opportunities to engage in corruption due to weak oversight or limited sanctions if detected for malpractice. The cultural drivers cover culture, motivation and the socialisation of behaviour within police forces and specific anti-corruption training that can help to mitigate police corruption.

The code of silence and female police officers in Slovenia

2016 ◽  
Vol 39 (2) ◽  
pp. 387-400 ◽  
Author(s):  
Branko Lobnikar ◽  
Kaja Prislan ◽  
Barbara Čuvan ◽  
Gorazd Meško
Keyword(s):  
Police Officers ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
Police Misconduct ◽  
Police Chiefs ◽  
Police Corruption ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Code Of Silence ◽  
Female Police Officers ◽  
Willingness To Report ◽  
Police Integrity

Purpose – For some time now, research conducted in the field of human behavior and criminology has pertained to the contemporary question as to whether there are any relevant differences between the genders regarding their integrity and opinions held and, if so, which of these lead to different behaviors. The purpose of this paper is to determine whether there are any gender differences in willingness to report police misconduct and if so, what is the nature of these differences. Design/methodology/approach – In spring 2011, the study was conducted on a representative sample of 408 frontline Slovenian police officers (87.3 percent were male and 12.7 percent were female). The assessment of the code of silence was conducted using the method developed by Klockars and Kutnjak Ivković (2004), and consisted of 14 hypothetical scenarios describing a range of various forms of police misconduct, from those that merely give the appearance of a conflict of interest, to incidents of bribery and theft. One of the questions explored in relation to the police code of silence was the police officer’s willingness to report misconduct. Findings – Authors discovered significant differences in 11 of the 14 analyzed cases on the willingness to report police misconduct. Interestingly, female police officers were less willing than their male colleagues to report different forms of police misconduct. Female police officers are less willing to report police corruption in seven cases e.g. shooting runaway suspect, supervisor abusing his/her power, excessive force – punching a suspect, falsification of evidence, supervisor not prevent beating a suspect, police officer take bribes, and doing nothing when juveniles paint graffiti. The results were further analyzed from the group dynamic in Slovenian police point of view. The survey findings could be useful for police chiefs, leaders, and managers who want to achieve the main objective of every modern police organization: to prevent corruption and increase social responsibility. Originality/value – The study analyzes, comprehensively and originally, whether the female police officers differ from their male colleagues in the level of police integrity and willingness to report the cases of police corruption and/or other forms of police misbehavior.

The Political Impact of NAFTA on Mexico: Reflections on the Political Economy of Democratization

2004 ◽  
Vol 37 (2) ◽  
pp. 301-323 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maxwell A. Cameron ◽  
Carol Wise
Keyword(s):  
Free Trade Agreement ◽  
Trade Agreement ◽  
The United States ◽  
Transition To Democracy ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
Executive Power ◽  
The Political ◽  
Authoritarian Rule ◽  
The North ◽  
Political Impact

At the time of the decision to negotiate the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), advocates argued that closer integration with Canada and the United States would have a democratizing influence on Mexico's political regime (Baer and Weintraub, 1994: 174–79; Pastor, 1993: 67). Critics of the deal suggested just the opposite, insisting that NAFTA might perpetuate or even reinvigorate authoritarian rule (Aguilar Zinser, 1993: 203–15; Castañeda 1996). With the breakthrough elections of July 2000 and the transfer of executive power to an opposition party the — PAN, or National Action Party — it is timely to ask: were the advocates of NAFTA right all along? Was NAFTA the impetus for Mexico's long overdue transition to democracy?

scholarly journals The Political Legitimacy of the Communist Party of China From the Perspective of Constitution

2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 71
Author(s):  
Tianyuan Liu
Keyword(s):  
Social History ◽  
Communist Party ◽  
Political Legitimacy ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
The Political ◽  
Chinese People ◽  
Basic Principles ◽  
Communist Party Of China ◽  
Development Direction ◽  
National Constitution

The Communist Party of China’s political legitimacy is a result which is based on its unique advanced and excellent quality, combines the basic principles of Marxism-Leninism with the concrete practice of China, and gains the support of Chinese people because of leading Chinese people to overthrow the reactionary rule to establish a new completely people's political regime and putting forward the line and route which conform to the development direction and requirement of Chinese social history. That is to say, this is the objective result of the Chinese people's sincere choice and commitment, and then confirmed in the national Constitution, which condenses the fundamental will and interests of the Chinese people. The process of Chinese Constitution establishment and the Constitution’s ideas and norms, both of them provide sufficient legal basis for the political legitimacy of the Communist Party of China. In that way, the continuation of the Communist Party of China’s political legitimacy-leadership and governance-must adhere to the rule of Constitution.

scholarly journals Krisis Legitimasi Politik Donald Trump Sebagai Ancaman Supremasi Amerika Serikat Dalam Politik Global

2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 122
Author(s):  
Ahmad Sahide
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Political Legitimacy ◽  
The United States ◽  
Political Order ◽  
The Political ◽  
Legitimacy Theory ◽  
Political Arena ◽  
Donald Trump ◽  
Political Impact ◽  
Vladimir Putin

Donald Trump is the 45th President of the United States who was sworn in on January 20, 2017. Donald Trump's victory shook the global political order because a number of his statements and political policies were very controversial. A number of controversial Trump policies include the recognition of Jerusalem as the capital of Israel, the closeness of relations with Vladimir Putin, to protectionist policies that get resistance from within and outside the country. The author uses the legitimacy theory in this study to see the political impact of the policies taken by Trump. The results of this study see that Donald Trump's policy controversy has an impact on the crisis of political legitimacy which results in the threat of US political supremacy in the global political arena.

“Popular Sovereignty that I Deny”: Benjamin Constant on Public Opinion, Political Legitimacy and Constitution Making

2020 ◽  
pp. 1-31
Author(s):  
Arthur Ghins
Keyword(s):  
Public Opinion ◽  
French Revolution ◽  
Political Legitimacy ◽  
Popular Sovereignty ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
The Political ◽  
Constitutional State ◽  
Benjamin Constant ◽  
Constitutional Changes ◽  
Constitution Making

According to a dominant narrative, the concept of popular sovereignty was joined to the notion of public opinion during the French Revolution to form the blueprint of a liberal constitutional state. This article shows how, after the Revolution, Benjamin Constant, who is now recognized as a founding figure of “liberalism,” used public opinion as a substitute for popular sovereignty to theorize political legitimacy and constitution making. I show why and when Constant discussed popular sovereignty, namely to dismiss it as an unhelpful and dangerous fiction in answer to factions invoking the concept to revolutionize the political order, or rulers such as Napoleon using it to claim absolute power. In parallel, I explain how Constant designed his alternative, opinion-based theory of legitimacy in the 1790s, before pragmatically adapting it over the course of his career as political regimes changed in France. Constant's substitution of public opinion for popular sovereignty, I contend, reveals distinct views on what makes a political regime legitimate and the meaning of constitutional changes. I conclude with a discussion of how Constant's views, thus interpreted, throw light on debates about sovereignty and public opinion in modern political thought.

Some Correlates of Regime Support in Canada

1978 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 199-216 ◽  
Author(s):  
Allan Kornberg ◽  
Harold D. Clarke ◽  
Lawrence Leduc
Keyword(s):  
Political Institutions ◽  
Public Support ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Political Analysis ◽  
Matters Of Concern ◽  
Nation Wide Survey ◽  
Regime Support ◽  
The Impact

This paper is concerned with the distribution and foundations of public support for the political regime in Canada. Support for the regime historically has been a matter of concern to Canadian elites. The recent provincial electoral victory of the Parti Québécois, a party dedicated to making Quebec an independent nation, has made regime support and maintenance matters of concern to average citizens as well. The analyses that follow are based upon data gathered in a nation-wide survey of the Canadian electorate in 1974. We focus on the following areas: the extent to which socio-demographic and attitudinal variables conventionally employed in studies of political behavior are related to levels of regime support; the relationships between the direction and strength of partisanship and support for the political regime; the relationships between attitudes toward key political institutions and political actors and the level of regime support; and finally, the effects of major structural and cultural factors (i.e. federalism and regionalism) on support for the regime. From the perspective of comparative political analysis, research in these areas allows us an opportunity to comment on and expand the base of the existing empirical research on regime support. From the more particular perspective of Canadian politics, our analysis may help to clarify the impact on regime support of ethnicity, regionalism, federalism and a British-model parliamentary system.

The Level and Sources of Popular Support for China's Current Political Regime

1997 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 45-64 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jie Chen ◽  
Yang Zhong ◽  
Jan William Hillard
Keyword(s):  
Public Support ◽  
Political Stability ◽  
Public Affairs ◽  
Sample Survey ◽  
Communist Regime ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
The Political ◽  
Popular Support ◽  
Authoritarian Government ◽  
High Level

This article assumes that whether the current Chinese authoritarian government can maintain socio-political stability during the potentially turbulent transition to the post-Deng Xiaoping era depends, at least in part, upon the level of popular support for the political regime (or regime legitimacy). Based on data derived from a sample survey of Beijing residents, this study seeks to address two fundamental questions: “To what extent does the current Chinese communist regime enjoy public support?” and “What are the possible sources of popular support for the political regime in contemporary China?” The findings in this study suggest that (1) the current communist regime still enjoys a moderately high level of popular support, and (2) popular support for the regime is most likely to be found among those who are optimistic about the country's economic and political futures, who are most satisfied with their life, who give high evaluations of incumbent policies, who often follow public affairs, and who are older. Based on these findings, the article concludes that the current communist regime seems to have a good chance of remaining legitimate among a majority of the Chinese people, while it is still facing serious challenges from its policy performance in some major public policy areas.

Regime Support in Canada: A Comment

1980 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 402-410 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael M. Atkinson ◽  
William D. Coleman ◽  
Thomas J. Lewis
Keyword(s):  
Regression Analysis ◽  
Data Base ◽  
Public Support ◽  
National Election ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
The Political ◽  
Election Study ◽  
National Election Study ◽  
Causal Sequence ◽  
Regime Support

In their article, ‘Some Correlates of Regime Support in Canada’, (this Journal, VIII (1978), 199–216), Allan Kornberg, Harold D. Clarke and Lawrence LeDuc set out to describe ‘the distribution and foundations of public support for the political regime in Canada’ (p. 199). Using the 1974 National Election Study as their data base and regression analysis as their primary technique, they attempt to identify the correlates of regime support and come to grips with the problem of causal sequence.

scholarly journals Toward Multi-Level Governance in China? Coping with complex public affairs across jurisdictions and organizations

2018 ◽  
Vol 34 (2) ◽  
pp. 105-120 ◽  
Author(s):  
Edoardo Ongaro ◽  
Ting Gong ◽  
Yijia Jing
Keyword(s):  
Liberal Democracy ◽  
Political Legitimacy ◽  
Public Affairs ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
Special Issue ◽  
Course Of Action ◽  
Introductory Article ◽  
Multi Level

This special issue argues for the applicability of the conceptual framework of Multi-Level Governance to the political–administrative regime of China, provided significant adaptations and qualifications are developed. The application of Multi-Level Governance to China enables to account for global influences as well as for the involvement of non-governmental actors in public policy making. More radically, we suggest in this introductory article that the development of Multi-Level Governance may be interpreted as a way of enhancing the societal legitimacy of the political regime under the conditions of new authoritarianism. We conclude this article by drawing a fascinating yet possibly hazardous and overstretched parallel; that is, the development of Multi-Level Governance may be part and parcel of a process of building political legitimacy in China, just as it may be a way of exploring paths for the renewal of beleaguered traditional liberal democracy in Europe. Albeit along profoundly different trajectories, China and Europe might adopt Multi-Level Governance arrangements for a very purposive course of action: enhancing the legitimacy of the respective and very diverse political systems and buttressing their very foundations. This suggests a strongly normative and purposive application of Multi-Level Governance.

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