scholarly journals Itaipu's Forgotten History: The 1965 Brazil–Paraguay Border Crisis and the New Geopolitics of the Southern Cone

2017 ◽  
Vol 50 (2) ◽  
pp. 383-409 ◽  
Author(s):  
JACOB BLANC
Keyword(s):  
Large Scale ◽  
Political Legitimacy ◽  
The United States ◽  
Southern Cone ◽  
Authoritarian Regimes ◽  
Military Regimes ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Sphere Of Influence ◽  
Rising Power ◽  
The Military

AbstractThis article chronicles the fifteen-month border conflict between the military regimes of Brazil and Paraguay that occurred between March of 1965 and June of 1966 – a stand-off that paved the way for the Itaipu project that would become the largest dam in the world. In the context of the 1960s Cold War, both governments saw a large-scale dam on the Paraná River as a means to catalyse industrialisation and strengthen the political legitimacy of their respective authoritarian regimes. Yet the border crisis was not a stand-off between equal powers. Brazil was the much stronger force, and, with the backing of the United States, the Brazilian dictatorship brought Paraguay firmly under its sphere of influence while also marginalising neighbouring Argentina. The border question at Guaíra served as a springboard for Brazil's rising power, and subsequently transformed the geopolitical landscape of the Southern Cone.

Explaining the Long-Term Maintenance of a Military Regime: Panama before the U.S. Invasion

1992 ◽  
Vol 44 (2) ◽  
pp. 210-234 ◽  
Author(s):  
Steve C. Ropp
Keyword(s):  
Domestic Politics ◽  
Authoritarian Regime ◽  
Military Force ◽  
International Banking ◽  
Military Regimes ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The Military ◽  
Term Maintenance ◽  
The U.S

Before the U.S. invasion of December 1989, Panama experienced one of the longest periods of military rule in the modern-day history of Latin America. While numerous authoritarian military regimes emerged in the region during the 1960s and established for themselves a relatively high degree of autonomy from both domestic and international actors, only those in Panama, Paraguay, and Chile survived until the late 1980s. And of these three surviving military regimes, only Panama's was ended through the application of external military force. For the past several years, there has been considerable discussion of the factors that seem best to account for General Manuel Antonio Noriega's personal ability to resist U.S. pressure from 1987 until 1989 and to largely insulate himself from the political and economic constraints of Panamanian domestic politics. However, much less attention has been devoted to discussion of the factors that explain the long-term maintenance of the military authoritarian regime in existence for fifteen years prior to his assumption of power. This analysis suggests that the long-term maintenance of Panama's military authoritarian regime was due in large part to its ability to acquire substantial amounts of foreign capital. During the 1970s, such capital was preferentially obtained from the international banking community. During the 1980s, it was obtained through illicit activities of various kinds, including participation in the growing international drug trade.

Explaining Budgetary Trends in Military Regimes

1988 ◽  
Vol 2 (4) ◽  
pp. 287-296
Author(s):  
Gil Shidlo
Keyword(s):  
National Security ◽  
Policy Process ◽  
Authoritarian Regimes ◽  
Economic Policies ◽  
Military Regimes ◽  
Democratic Regimes ◽  
Conventional Literature ◽  
The Military ◽  
Economic Considerations ◽  
Western Democracies

The conventional literature on the military generally believes that military, non-competitive regimes have a tendency to spend more for national-security purposes and less on welfare provision. The purpose of this paper is to demonstrate why do Argentina and Brazil, military non-competitive regimes, have tendencies similar to those of Western democracies where the state’s economic expansion extends beyond that required by strictly economic considerations? In contrast to the rational-comprehensive or ‘technocratic’ model which is often assumed to predominate in bureaucratic-authoritarian regimes an analysis of social and economic policies in Brazil and Argentina highlights the essentially political nature of the policy process in non-democratic regimes.

Drug Addiction And Trafficking In Paraguay: An Approach To The Problem During The Transition

1992 ◽  
Vol 34 (3) ◽  
pp. 155-200
Author(s):  
José Luis Simón G.
Keyword(s):  
The United States ◽  
Southern Cone ◽  
Authoritarian Regimes ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
Drug Trade ◽  
South American ◽  
The Social ◽  
The World ◽  
Lost Decade ◽  
Drug Traffic

Paraguay and its closest neighbors, the Rio Plata Basin from one point of view or the Southern Cone from another, have experienced an increasing challenge from the drug traffic in recent years. Initially, everything linked to drug use and traffic was considered—in general, much oversimplified terms — mainly as the social problem of a rich society, primarily that of the United States. The South American countries, preoccupied with surviving the blows of the “lost decade” while trying, simultaneously, both to throw off authoritarian regimes in terminal crisis and to negotiate transitions from democracy, assumed this problem could not affect them. In any event, that aspect of the drug trade which concerned the countries of South America above all was the growing tragedy of Colombia, which was just beginning to make headlines in the world press.

Customary Rightholders and Legal Claimants to Land in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, 1870-1890

1992 ◽  
Vol 48 (4) ◽  
pp. 485-517 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nancy Priscilla Smith Naro
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Rural Areas ◽  
Large Scale ◽  
The United States ◽  
Small Scale ◽  
Late Nineteenth Century ◽  
Free Labor ◽  
Export Sector ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Military

The transition from slave to free labor in the Americas involved many and varied forms of internal labor and land adjustments which affected slaves, landless farmers, and large scale producers in rural areas. Unlike Haiti and the United States South, the Brazilian process of emancipation was gradual and did not involve violent structural ruptures with the past. The Land Law of 1850, the Law of the Free Womb of 1871 and the 1885 Sexagenarian Law marked fundamental phases in an ongoing process of state participation in the organization of the free labor market, which culminated in Abolition on 13 May 1888, and the onset of the Republic on 15 November of the following year. Current analyses of the late nineteenth century emphasize continuity and define the state as its own agent, embarking on a course of conservative modernization which unfolded during the process of transition from the liberalism of a nineteenth-century empire to the interventionist Republic which was ushered in, in 1889. The planter class, joined with emerging but weak Brazilian industrial and financial sectors and upheld by the military, contributed to an Estado Oligárquico, in Marcelo Carmagnani's terminology, linked by coffee production into the world economy as a flourishing dependent peripheral economy. But the process, which until recently was associated with the coffee export sector and its relation to urbanization and industrialization, has now taken on broader dimensions. A developed domestic economy, composed of a complex and sophisticated internal food supply network, operated alongside the export economy throughout the nineteenth century. Although unstudied from the political perspective of small-scale food producers who were displaced by the coffee economy, the broader issue of food provision could not be dissociated from conservative modernization, the basic issues of which would be carried forth during the course of the First Republic in the form of “Ruralismo.”

Self-Selection and Host Country Context in the Economic Assimilation of Political Refugees in the United States, Sweden, and Israel

2018 ◽  
Vol 52 (2) ◽  
pp. 524-558 ◽  
Author(s):  
Debora Pricila Birgier ◽  
Christer Lundh ◽  
Yitchak Haberfeld ◽  
Erik Elldér
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Natural Experiment ◽  
The United States ◽  
Economic Assimilation ◽  
Host Countries ◽  
Military Regimes ◽  
Self Selection ◽  
Political Refugees ◽  
The Military ◽  
Positive Effect

We study the interplay between host countries’ characteristics and self-selection patterns in relation to refugees’ economic assimilation using a natural experiment in which immigrants from one region migrated to three destinations under similar circumstances. We focus on emigrants fleeing from Argentina and Chile during the military regimes there to the United States, Sweden, and Israel. We find that those refugees show patterns of selection and assimilation similar to those of economic immigrants. Immigrants to the United States and Israel exhibit better selection patterns and consequently faster assimilation than immigrants to Sweden even considering the positive effect of the Swedish market structure.

Global versus National

Age of Iron ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 70-104
Author(s):  
Colin Dueck
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Republican Party ◽  
Large Scale ◽  
The United States ◽  
Great Power ◽  
Power Politics ◽  
Long Run ◽  
Clinton Presidency ◽  
Great Power Politics ◽  
The 1960S

This chapter describes the efforts of various Republican presidents and congressional leaders to strike balances between nationalist and internationalist priorities between the 1960s and 2015. Barry Goldwater championed a hawkish Sunbelt conservatism that in the long run helped remake the Republican Party. President Nixon pursued a foreign policy based upon assumptions of great-power politics and realpolitik. President Reagan led an ideologically charged effort at anti-Communist rollback, although he was careful not to overextend the United States in any large-scale wars on the ground. Republicans during the Clinton presidency struggled to reformulate conservative foreign policy assumptions in the wake of the Soviet Union’s collapse. George W. Bush remade conservative foreign policy into a war on terror, aiming at the democratization of the Greater Middle East. Finally, during the presidency of Barack Obama, Republican foreign policy factions once again splintered, paving the way for a conservative nationalist resurgence.

The Political Economy of the Origins of the Military-Industrial Complex in the United States

1985 ◽  
Vol 45 (2) ◽  
pp. 369-375 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ben Baack ◽  
Edward Ray
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
World War I ◽  
Interest Groups ◽  
Large Scale ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Political ◽  
Industrial Complex ◽  
World War ◽  
Military Industrial Complex ◽  
The Military

Despite the attention given by scholars to the military-industrial complex few studies have attempted to pinpoint and explain its origin. In this paper we argue that the coalescing of business, military, and political interest groups in support of a military build-up in the United States during peacetime occurred in the years between the Civil War and World War I. It was during this period that we observe the roots of institutional arrangements between the military and industry for the purpose of large-scale weapons acquisitions.

Sanctions Beyond Borders: Multinational Corporations and U.S. Economic Statecraft. By Kenneth A. Rodman. Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc., 2001. 288p. $75.00 cloth, $26.95 paper.

2002 ◽  
Vol 96 (4) ◽  
pp. 891-892
Author(s):  
Scott Pegg
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Human Rights ◽  
Multinational Corporations ◽  
Economic Sanctions ◽  
The United States ◽  
Military Regimes ◽  
Limited Success ◽  
Economic Statecraft ◽  
The Military

The 1990s saw a resurgence in demand for economic sanctions. The United States imposed extraterritorial sanctions on Cuba through the Helms-Burton Law and on Iran and Libya through the Iran-Libya Sanctions Act. Environmental and human rights activists also sought, albeit with limited success, to impose sanctions against the military regimes in Burma and Nigeria.

The Implications of Drones on the Just War Tradition

2011 ◽  
Vol 25 (3) ◽  
pp. 337-358 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel Brunstetter ◽  
Megan Braun
Keyword(s):  
Large Scale ◽  
Ethical Issues ◽  
Just War ◽  
The United States ◽  
Central Intelligence Agency ◽  
Intelligence Agency ◽  
Jus In Bello ◽  
Drone Strikes ◽  
Just War Tradition ◽  
The Military

Increasingly, the United States has come to rely on the use of drones to counter the threat posed by terrorists. Drones have arguably enjoyed significant successes in denying terrorists safe haven while limiting civilian casualties and protecting U.S. soldiers, but their use has raised ethical concerns. The aim of this article is to explore some of the ethical issues raised by the use of drones using the just war tradition as a foundation. We argue that drones offer the capacity to extend the threshold of last resort for large-scale wars by allowing a leader to act more proportionately on just cause. However, they may be seen as a level of force short of war to which the principle of last resort does not apply; and their increased usage may ultimately raise jus in bello concerns. While drones are technically capable of improving adherence to jus in bello principles of discrimination and proportionality, concerns regarding transparency and the potentially indiscriminate nature of drone strikes, especially those conduced by the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), as opposed to the military, may undermine the probability of success in combating terrorism.

scholarly journals Documentary Radio and the Radical Origins of Public History

2019 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Rachel Donaldson
Keyword(s):  
Public History ◽  
Large Scale ◽  
New Left ◽  
The United States ◽  
Academic History ◽  
The Social ◽  
History Of ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Social Views ◽  
Contemporary Practice

The origin story of public history in the United States dates this profession, practice, and field of study back to the social movements and social/cultural turn of academic history of the 1960s and 70s, directly tying the emergence of professional public history to the political ethos of the New Left. However, exploring earlier efforts in professional public-facing historical work reveals the formative influence of the Old Left on the various fields that would come to fall under the purview of public history. This article traces that connection specifically through the Radio Research Project (RRP), a large-scale series of history-oriented programs produced by the Library of Congress beginning in 1941 that were designed to educate Americans in US history, to encourage citizens to embrace civic ideals such as cultural and political democracy, and to thwart the spread of fascism. Disconnecting the rise of public history from its perceived origins in the New Left through exploring programs like the RRP not only reveals a longer history of the profession, but also challenges accepted interpretations of the types of political and social views that provide the historical foundation of contemporary practice.

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