Explaining Budgetary Trends in Military Regimes

1988 ◽  
Vol 2 (4) ◽  
pp. 287-296
Author(s):  
Gil Shidlo
Keyword(s):  
National Security ◽  
Policy Process ◽  
Authoritarian Regimes ◽  
Economic Policies ◽  
Military Regimes ◽  
Democratic Regimes ◽  
Conventional Literature ◽  
The Military ◽  
Economic Considerations ◽  
Western Democracies

The conventional literature on the military generally believes that military, non-competitive regimes have a tendency to spend more for national-security purposes and less on welfare provision. The purpose of this paper is to demonstrate why do Argentina and Brazil, military non-competitive regimes, have tendencies similar to those of Western democracies where the state’s economic expansion extends beyond that required by strictly economic considerations? In contrast to the rational-comprehensive or ‘technocratic’ model which is often assumed to predominate in bureaucratic-authoritarian regimes an analysis of social and economic policies in Brazil and Argentina highlights the essentially political nature of the policy process in non-democratic regimes.

scholarly journals Trade Multilateralism and U.S. National Security: The Making of the GATT Security Exceptions

2020 ◽  
pp. 109
Author(s):  
Mona Pinchis-Paulsen
Keyword(s):  
National Security ◽  
Historical Context ◽  
Economic Policies ◽  
Trade Disputes ◽  
Binding Effect ◽  
Multilateral Trade ◽  
Dramatic Rise ◽  
Post War ◽  
Economic Considerations ◽  
Shed Light

Today, there are an unprecedented number of disputes at the World Trade Organization (“WTO”) involving national security. The dramatic rise in trade disputes involving national security has resuscitated debate over the degree of discretion afforded to WTO Members as to when and how to invoke Article XXI, the Security Exception, of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (“GATT”), with binding effect. The goal of this article is to shed light on contemporary questions and concerns involving national security and international trade, particularly questions involving the appropriate invocation of Article XXI GATT, through careful attention to the article’s historical context. The article elucidates the diverse strategic and economic considerations that shaped the meaning of U.S. national security interests at the time when national delegations were drafting the post-war multilateral trade system, the ITO. It demonstrates how these interests, in turn, created the language, phrasing, and placement of the security exception within the ITO Charter, and details when and how this was adopted in the GATT. This article argues that analyzing internal U.S. practice into the making of Article XXI is relevant for current and future efforts to interpret the exception, thereby contributing to existing literature on Article XXI GATT. It provides the internal deliberations of U.S. officials who served as key architects of the multilateral trade system and of the ITO Charter’s security exception. Additionally, the article captures a fascinating story as to how different U.S. agencies competed to define U.S. foreign and economic policies at the time and shows how the compromises struck help to explain the making of article XXI GATT.

Authoritarian Regimes

2020 ◽  
pp. 338-355
Author(s):  
Po Jen Yap
Keyword(s):  
Political Party ◽  
Singular Control ◽  
Authoritarian Regimes ◽  
Dominant Party ◽  
Democratic Regimes ◽  
The World ◽  
Regime Types ◽  
Constitutional System ◽  
The Military ◽  
Independent Branch

This chapter examines authoritarian regimes in relation to the configuration of political power/parties that is central to how autocracy is practised and sustained within the respective constitutional system. First, it discusses dominant party democracies—semi-democratic regimes that have been ruled by the same dominant political party or coalition since the nation’s independence or transition to a new constitutional system. Next, the chapter explores independent military democracies. In such democracies, the military is an independent branch of government and is not under the firm control of the civilian government. Finally, there are the communist regimes, where elections are a sham, and all levers of state power—the executive, the legislature, the military, and the judiciary—are subjected to the singular control of the country’s Communist Party. These three regime types are not exhaustive of all the authoritarian configurations of power in the world, but they are the predominant ones in Asia, from which this chapter’s case studies are drawn.

The Church and the Doctrine of National Security

1979 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 69-88 ◽  
Author(s):  
Roberto Calvo
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
National Security ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Political Activities ◽  
American Military ◽  
Military Regimes ◽  
The Government ◽  
The One ◽  
The Military

In a book which has circulated rather widely in Latin America (Lieuwen, 1960), it was stated that, with the passage of time, Latin American military men would intervene less and less in politics. This was not an altogether mistaken belief, considering that in 1961 Paraguay was a “military island” in a sea of Latin American civilian governments. Today the situation has radically changed in many ways. On the one hand, more than half the population of Latin America lives under military regimes; on the other, military domination has a different cast: it is no longer a caudillo who takes over, but the armed forces, which have institutionalized their access to the government. Linked to the foregoing is the emergence of an authoritarian ideological platform—the military call it a doctrine of national security—which provides the armed forces with the necessary rationale for their political activities.

Do they know something we don’t? Diffusion of repression in authoritarian regimes

2019 ◽  
Vol 56 (5) ◽  
pp. 667-681 ◽  
Author(s):  
Roman-Gabriel Olar
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Incomplete Information ◽  
Arab Spring ◽  
Authoritarian Regimes ◽  
Political Survival ◽  
State Repression ◽  
Regional Conflict ◽  
Military Regimes ◽  
The Arab Spring ◽  
The Military

The use of repressive strategies by authoritarian regimes received a great deal of attention in the literature, but most explanations treat repression as the product of domestic events and factors. However, the similarity in repressive actions during the Arab Spring or the intense collaboration in dissident disappearances between the military regimes of Latin America indicate a transnational dimension of state repression and authoritarian interdependence that has gone largely understudied. The article develops a theory of diffusion of repression between autocracies between institutionally and experientially similar autocracies. It proposes that the high costs of repression and its uncertain effect on dissent determines autocracies to adjust their levels of repression based on information and knowledge obtained from their peers. Autocracies’ own experience with repression can offer suboptimal and incomplete information. Repression techniques and methods from other autocracies augment the decisionmaking regarding optimal levels of repression for political survival. Then, autocracies adjust their levels of repression based on observed levels of repression in their institutional and experiential peers. The results indicate that authoritarian regimes emulate and learn from regimes with which they share similar institutions. Surprisingly, regimes with similar dissent experience do not emulate and learn from each other. The results also indicate that regional conflict does not affect autocracies’ levels of repression.

After Regime Change: Authoritarian Legacies, Political Representation, and the Democratic Future of South America

1993 ◽  
Vol 45 (3) ◽  
pp. 464-500 ◽  
Author(s):  
Frances Hagopian
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
South America ◽  
Political Representation ◽  
Democratic Consolidation ◽  
Authoritarian Regimes ◽  
Economic Policies ◽  
Informal Networks ◽  
Authoritarian Rule ◽  
Military Regimes ◽  
State And Society

This article focuses on the legacies of the authoritarian regimes of South America for the contemporary consolidation of democracy. In particular, it considers their lasting effects on the region's informal networks and formal institutions of political representation. It questions several assumptions made by the literature on regime transition and democratic consolidation in South America about political culture, institutional reform, and electoral realignment: taken together, these assumptions are misleading about how much and what kind of political change has occurred in Latin America as a result of authoritarian rule. To understand how the challenges of democratic consolidation have been shaped, the article proposes instead to examine how the economic policies and political strategies pursued by military regimes preserved, altered, or destroyed the clientelistic and corporatist networks of mediation between state and society prevailing at the onset of authoritarianism, as well as those constructed upon the representative base of programmatic political parties.

scholarly journals Agenda dynamics and policy priorities in military regimes

2020 ◽  
pp. 019251212092306
Author(s):  
T. Murat Yildirim ◽  
Alper T. Bulut ◽  
Emel Ilter
Keyword(s):  
National Security ◽  
Explanatory Power ◽  
Military Regime ◽  
National Security Council ◽  
Background Characteristics ◽  
The Core ◽  
Military Regimes ◽  
The Government ◽  
Policy Agendas ◽  
The Military

Despite the policy-relevant aspirations of military regimes, scholars have shown surprisingly little interest in exploring the agenda dynamics and policy processes in these regimes. We sought to close this gap by analysing the original datasets of over 13,000 legislative speeches, public budgets, and the background characteristics of 160 representatives who served in the Consultative Assembly of the military regime of Kenan Evren in Turkey (1980–1983). Empirical analyses indicate that the regime’s policy priorities did not differ significantly from those of democratic governments, and that while representatives with military backgrounds showed far more interest in the core functions of the government, the process through which they were selected (whether or not directly appointed by the National Security Council) appeared to have no explanatory power. Perhaps more importantly, there were more similarities than differences between the military regime of Kenan Evren and the coalition, minority and majority governments of the 1970s and 1980s. Our findings imply that the effect of institutions on policy agendas is overstated.

scholarly journals Itaipu's Forgotten History: The 1965 Brazil–Paraguay Border Crisis and the New Geopolitics of the Southern Cone

2017 ◽  
Vol 50 (2) ◽  
pp. 383-409 ◽  
Author(s):  
JACOB BLANC
Keyword(s):  
Large Scale ◽  
Political Legitimacy ◽  
The United States ◽  
Southern Cone ◽  
Authoritarian Regimes ◽  
Military Regimes ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Sphere Of Influence ◽  
Rising Power ◽  
The Military

AbstractThis article chronicles the fifteen-month border conflict between the military regimes of Brazil and Paraguay that occurred between March of 1965 and June of 1966 – a stand-off that paved the way for the Itaipu project that would become the largest dam in the world. In the context of the 1960s Cold War, both governments saw a large-scale dam on the Paraná River as a means to catalyse industrialisation and strengthen the political legitimacy of their respective authoritarian regimes. Yet the border crisis was not a stand-off between equal powers. Brazil was the much stronger force, and, with the backing of the United States, the Brazilian dictatorship brought Paraguay firmly under its sphere of influence while also marginalising neighbouring Argentina. The border question at Guaíra served as a springboard for Brazil's rising power, and subsequently transformed the geopolitical landscape of the Southern Cone.

scholarly journals The Ideology of Economic Development And Its Impact on Policy Process

1986 ◽  
Vol 1 (0) ◽  
pp. 28-46
Author(s):  
Chung-Kil Chung
Keyword(s):  
Economic Development ◽  
National Security ◽  
Policy Process ◽  
Political System ◽  
Executive Branch ◽  
Performance Criteria ◽  
Economic Policies ◽  
Labor Policies ◽  
Political Ideologies ◽  
The Government

As one of a series of studies on dominant political ideologies and their impact on Korean policy process, this paper deals with the ideology of economic development which has overwhelmingly dominated Korean policy process in the 1960's and 1970's. The paper identifies some impacts of the ideology on non-economic policies such as environmental, welfare and labor policies. The government tried very hard to contain any anti-developmental movement in these policies. Slightly different impacts are discerned in the case of economic policy process. Technocratic, secretive and speedy decision making, coercive implementation and overemphasis on visible and quantifiable performance criteria are all due, at least partly, to this ideology. All these impacts intensified the already-prevalent phenomenon of "Government-Leads-People-Follow", resulting in the exclusion of people from the policy process. Moreover, they also strengthened the centralization of the already over-centralized Korean political system. They intensified the concentration of power in the executive branch vis-a-vis its legislative counterpart. This paper indicates the necessity for similar studies which will deal with the brighter side of the economic development ideology and its interaction with the ideology of national security. The destiny of these two ideologies will largely determine the future of democratic policy process in Korea: An important theme for another study.

The aspects of the innovation of the military-industrial complex and its significance for the national security of Russia

2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 15-20
Author(s):  
Irina Orlova ◽  
Artem Sukharev ◽  
Maria Sukhareva ◽  
Mikhail Deikun
Keyword(s):  
National Security ◽  
Systematic Approach ◽  
Defense Industry ◽  
World Market ◽  
Modern World ◽  
High Tech ◽  
Industrial Complex ◽  
Military Industrial Complex ◽  
The Russian Federation ◽  
The Military

The main objective of the article is to substantiate a systematic approach to the introduction of all types of innovations in the development of the military-industrial complex of the Russian Federation. The relevance of the study is due to the fact that in the modern world it is especially important to ensure the national security of the country and the defense industry plays a crucial role in this. At the same time, one cannot but note the importance of the defense industry in the production of high-tech civilian products and dual-use products, which enhances the country's competitiveness in the world market. In addition, the relevance of the topic is due to the presence of rather serious problems in the Russian defense industry, which require immediate resolution. The article uses the methodology of structurally functional analysis, the institutional approach and the method of comparative assessments. The authors conclude that technological innovation alone will not be able to achieve strategic results for ensuring national security, only in conjunction with organizational, product, social and marketing innovations, the domestic defense industry is able to solve its tasks.

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