scholarly journals Cross-Border Intimacies: Marriage, migration, and citizenship in western India

2018 ◽  
Vol 52 (5) ◽  
pp. 1664-1691
Author(s):  
FARHANA IBRAHIM

AbstractThis article examines intersections between sexuality, migration, and citizenship in the context of cross-border and cross-region marriage migration in Kutch, Gujarat, to underscore that women's mobility across borders is one site on which national cultural and political anxieties unfold. It argues that contemporary cross-region marriage migration must be located within the larger political economy of such marriages, and should take into account the historical trajectories of marriage migration in particular regions. To this end, it examines three instances of marriage migration in Kutch: the princely state's marriages with Sindh, nineteenth-century marriages between merchants from Kutch and women from Africa, and contemporary marriage migration into Kutch from Bengal. The article asks whether the relative evaluation of these marriages by the state can be viewed in relation to the settlement policies undertaken after partition, where borderlands were to be settled with those who were deemed loyal citizens. Finally, by historicizing marriage—as structure, but also aspirational category—it seeks to move away from the singularity of marriage as framed in the dominant sociological discourse on marriage in South Asia.

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-11
Author(s):  
Mark Thatcher ◽  
Tim Vlandas

This introductory chapter offers an overview of the book. It identifies the growing size and importance of overseas state investors and how they challenge current political economy analyses of the state. The phenomenon is well illustrated by Sovereign Wealth Funds (SWFs): state-owned investment bodies, often from Asia and the Middle East, that have bought shares in major firms in strategic sectors ranging from finance to communications and transport, as well as landmark buildings. The chapter presents the puzzle of the widespread acceptance of SWF investments: national responses to SWF purchases might have been expected to be hostile, especially as they represent entry into Western stock markets by non-Western overseas states. Yet many Western governments have accepted and often actively encouraged SWF investments, seeing them as an additional means to govern their domestic economies and pursue their political strategies. The chapter then situates this puzzle in the wider political economy literature on the role and power of the state in an increasingly internationalized economy. It argues that recent political economy works focus on the internationalization of private capital, ignoring the capacity of the state itself to become a cross-border economic actor. It summarizes the book’s findings that several Western governments have engaged in internationalized statism, underlining that the patterns of policy differ sharply from those that might be expected given popular and academic views of economic openness.


2021 ◽  
pp. 273-298
Author(s):  
Jon D. Wisman

Following the rise of the state, religion served to legitimate societies’ institutions, practices, and unequal distributions of income, wealth, and privilege. However, emerging capitalism and its expanding bourgeoisie in Western Europe challenged the Catholic Church’s monopoly on truth and meaning, opening space for secular legitimation. The science of political economy increasingly evolved as a principal body of social thought legitimating inequality. This transfer from religion to political economy begins with the mercantilists and is mostly complete by the end of the nineteenth century. Political economy’s principal inequality-legitimating doctrines include the utility of poverty, the justice of the invisible hand, the Malthusian population doctrine, the wages-fund doctrine, and the trickle-down thesis. Most of these doctrines take on more of a patina of “natural” science in the late nineteenth century when the neoclassical revolution in economics attempted to sever economic science from morality and politics and express itself technically with calculus.


Author(s):  
Chigusa Yamaura

This chapter examines suspended and declined visa cases, analyzing how marital relations became sites of regulation. Some forms of migration depend on relatives as sponsors. Others rely on employers, an applicant's “skills,” or specific qualifications. Marriage migration, however, rests on a different manner of validating a legitimate entry. Certificates of residency and spousal visas are not simply issued based on an individual's status or attributes. To gain a spousal visa, what is important for the immigration officers is to inspect the kind of relationship presented in the paperwork. The chapter then illuminates the ways cross-border marriages came under suspicion and participants were forced to perform marital relationships that were more “ideal” and “normatively acceptable” than those expected of couples in Japan. Even if partners have chosen married life with one another, they still require the approval of the state.


Author(s):  
Jesse S. Palsetia

AbstractThe article details the events and themes surrounding a strike and riot that transpired in colonial Bombay in 1832, led by a segment of the Parsi community and joined by other Indians, in reaction to the British cull of stray pariah dogs in the streets. The strike and riot demonstrated the commercial power of the Parsis to disrupt the daily routine of Bombay and exert their influence in hostility to colonial interference and incursions against Parsi (Indian) religious sensibilities. The Bombay dog riots of 1832 exposed the vulnerability of early British-Indian socio-political relations in Bombay and Western India in the face of popular disturbances against British authority and was in marked contrast to the state of Parsi-British relations that developed in the nineteenth century, as the Parsis led the process of Indian accommodation to British rule, tempered only by overt threats to their religious identity.


2009 ◽  
Vol 43 (1) ◽  
pp. 89-111 ◽  
Author(s):  
CLAUDE MARKOVITS

AbstractThis article looks at the political economy of opium smuggling in India in the first decades of the nineteenth century, in particular in relation to Sindh, one of the last independent polities in the subcontinent. After a description of the smuggling of ‘Malwa’ opium (grown in the princely states of Central India) into China—in defiance of the monopoly of the East India Company over ‘Bengal’ or ‘Patna’ opium, grown in Bihar—it considers the role of Indian merchants and capitalists in its emergence and development, and critiques the argument put forward in a recent book by Amar Farooqi that it represented both a form of ‘subversion’ and that it contributed decisively to capital accumulation in Western India. This article concludes by analysing the role of the opium trade in integrating Sindh into the British imperial trading system, arguing that it was more effective in boosting Empire than in nurturing indigenous capitalism in India.


1995 ◽  
Vol 34 (3) ◽  
pp. 325-350 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jennifer M. Lloyd

John Ruskin, art and social critic, master of English prose, is one of the most infuriating yet attractive Victorian figures. In the last twenty years, a revival of interest in his work after years of neglect has stimulated a considerable body of scholarly analysis and several biographies. As Ruskin himself would have hoped, historians have been most interested in his trenchant attacks on the assumptions and effects of nineteenth-century political economy, but paradoxically he appears in women's history only as the author of “Of Queens' Gardens,” promoting a fundamental Victorian paradigm, the ideology of pure womanhood. Yet the anthologized excerpts which are all most people read of Ruskin do not do justice even to “Of Queens' Gardens,” an admittedly cloying piece, and although biographers have analyzed his tortured relationships with Effie Gray and Rose La Touche almost to the point of tedium, there is no extended general study of his many relationships with women and the expectations he had of them. An adequate analysis of Ruskin's view of women requires familiarity with all his works, an understanding of his fears for the state of England, and a greater knowledge of his relationships with women than provided by the lurid details of his failed marriage and predilection for adolescent girls. The following is an attempt to sketch an outline of such an account.


2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 93-111
Author(s):  
Salahuddin Malik

Mid-nineteenth century Muslim historical literature, particularly onthe mutiny-rebellion of 1857, presents an interesting contrast, and offersa fascinating study of the state of Muslim mind before and after 1857.This clearly comes out in the writings of Sir Sayyid Ahmad Khan(Risalah Asbab-i Baghawat-i Hind,‘ Tarikh Sarkashi Dil ’a Bijnawr,Hunter par Hunter,  Loyal Mohammedans of India,), FatehMuhammad Ta’ib (Tarikh-i Ahmadi), Asad Ullah Khan Ghalib(Dastabu in Kulliyat-i Nathr-i Ghalib), Mawlana Altaf Hussain Hali(Hayati-i Jawid), Sayyid Zahiruddin Zahir Dihlawi (Dastan-i Ghadr),Faqir Muhammad (Jam’ al-Tawarikh), Allamah Fadl-i Haq (BughiHindwtan), Mu’inuddin Hassan Khan (“Narrative of Mainodin” inCharles T. Metcalfe’s Two Native Narratives of the Mutiny in Delhi).”Curiously, all of the above writers presented different interpretationsof the revolt of 1857. Indeed this had to be the case. During the revoltIndia lost freedom of the press; known different interpretations of the“mutiny” by natives were tantamout to treason and were visited bycondign punishments. This was particularly true of the Muslims. ManyMuslim newspapers were suppressed and their editors jailed. After the“special” treatment which the Muslims received upon the fall of Delhi,the followers of Islam could not be sure of their destiny in South Asia inthe post mutiny-rebellion period. It was so because the British assignedthe primary responsibility for the revolt to Indian Muslims and rightlyso. The reality of the excessively harsh British treatment of IndianMuslims is beginning to dawn upon the present-day British historians aswell. Professor Peter Hardy in his very recent book, The Muslims ofBritish India, observes: ...


2019 ◽  
Vol 38 (2) ◽  
pp. 409-457
Author(s):  
Priyasha Saksena

The article examines the relationship between colonialism and international law by focusing on late nineteenth century debates surrounding the sovereignty of the “princely states” of colonial South Asia. The princely states were ruled by indigenous rulers and were not considered to be British territory, but remained subject to British “influence;” as a result, there were numerous controversies over their legal status. During the course of jurisdictional disputes, a variety of interested players - British politicians, colonial officials, international lawyers, rulers and advisors of princely states - engaged in debates over the idea of sovereignty to resolve questions of legal status, the extent of rights and powers, and to construct a political order that supported their interests and aspirations. I focus on legal texts written by British international lawyers and colonial officials as well as material relating to two jurisdictional disputes (one between the state of Travancore and the British Government and another between the state of Baroda and the British Government) to trace two versions of sovereignty that were articulated in late nineteenth century South Asia - unitary and divisible. In doing so, I argue that international law, and the doctrine of sovereignty in particular, became the shared language for participants to debate political problems and a key forum for the negotiation of political power.


2021 ◽  
Vol 52 (3) ◽  
pp. 401-421
Author(s):  
Sukriti Issar

Abstract Analysis of a novel source of data about early nineteenth-century Bombay, with a novel methodology, makes an important contribution to debates about inter-religious contact in South Asia. Bombay’s register of sales deeds, which lists the names of buyers, sellers, and neighbors, also permits identification of their religious affiliations when supplemented with archival information about the bureaucratic practices affecting property transactions. Findings suggest that property transactions within religious groups comprised most of the sales (60 percent). Contemporary petitions show that residents sometimes appealed to the state to prevent the sale of property to people who did not share their religion.


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