Masterpieces of Oriental Art. 14: Portrait of Shāh Daulat by Bichitr

1950 ◽  
Vol 82 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 1-1
Author(s):  
J. V. S. Wilkinson

This painting is a dignified example of Mughal Court art towards the middle of the seventeenth century, when portraiture was at its zenith, and, under Court influence, very much in fashion. Bichitr (a Hindu) was one of several accomplished painters of Shah Jahan's reign. He signs himself here “Servant of the Royal Court”, and his portrait of his master, done in 1632, is at the Victoria and Albert Museum. Several other works by him were included in the celebrated Imperial Album to which “Shah Daulat” belonged. This artist, whose works generally emphasized drawing and eschewed brilliant colour, sometimes painted genre subjects and liked to fill the backgrounds of his portraits with realistic detail. Here, however, he has concentrated on a single figure, and mainly on the face, which is drawn with rare feeling and expressive skill. The Saint, who was a revered Muhammedan religious leader under three Emperors, is an impressive figure, with his white robe and brown scarf set against an almost black background. His enormous hands hold a globe inscribed in Persian, “The Key of the Victory over the two Worlds is entrusted to thy hand”; this may typify the devotion of a not unworldly ecclesiastic to the Emperor.

2019 ◽  
Vol 2019/2 ◽  
pp. 41-64
Author(s):  
S. C. ROWELL

CONCUBINE AND ENCHANTRESS: KATARZYNA TELNICZANKA AND HER BLACK MYTH Summary S.C. R O W E L L Katarzyna Hochstadt of Telnicz (ca 1480–1528), mistress of Sigismund the Old, mother of John of the Lithuanian Dukes, bishop of Vilnius (1519–36) and Poznań (1536–38) has come down in history as an enchanting beauty or a witch, or both. Her image is defined by her relationship with powerful men – her lover, her son, her husband (Andrzej Kościelecki, castellan of Wojnicz and sub–treasurer of the Crown of Poland) and alleged victims (various royal secretaries and high–ranking clerics). This article assesses what little by way of solid evidence is known of her life and how this can be related with the image of man–chasing vamp, interference in the running of the diocese of Vilnius (thereby allegedly provoking the appointment of bishop protectors to the see) and scandal in village and town (according to one seventeenth–century historian). There is evidence that while John of the Lithuanian Dukes was still a minor and enjoyed the rank of provost of Płock and Poznań and canon of Kraków the property associated with his office was overseen by his step–father and perhaps by his mother. After John became bishop of Vilnius, Her Magnificence the Bishop‘s Mother, the Lady Dowager Castellan of Wojnicz and Sub–Treasurer of the Crown of Poland resided for some time at her son‘s court in Vilnius and on at least two occasions exercised her maternal influence to facilitate access to the bishop for canons (Stanislaw Dambrowka, Martin of Dusniki and Albert Wielezinski) involved in a dispute with their brother canon and scholast Jakub Staszkowski. The detailed discussion of internal cathedral disputes in the presence of a lay person, and even worse, a woman, scandalised members of the Cathedral Chapter but there is no evidence that Lady Katarzyna sought to determine the outcome of this case. We also know that she patronised at least one noblewoman (the widowed sister–in–law of Bishop Albert Tabor) who subsequently adopted Bishop John as her son and heir and made financial endowments on both the bishop and his mother. After Katarzyna died in Vilnius in the late summer of 1528 her corpse was transported to Kraków for burial by a Vilnius canon, Erasmus Eustachii, whose family had connections with Andrzej Kościelecki and Bishop John of Vilnius. The satirical verse penned by Andrzej Krzycki concerning a mother–stepmother and father–stepfather (Katarzyna and King Sigismund) and „an old hag who stinks like a goat“ represents neo–Latin literary exercises provoked by fear of the influence at the royal court of Katarzyna and her family rather than an accurate and literal description of Katarzyna and her activities.


Author(s):  
Carolyn Muessig

Francis of Assisi’s reported reception of the stigmata on Mount La Verna in 1224 is often considered to be the first account of an individual receiving the five wounds of Christ. The thirteenth-century appearance of this miracle, however, is not as unexpected as it first seems. Interpretations of Galatians 6:17—I bear the stigmata of the Lord Jesus Christ in my body—had been circulating in biblical commentaries since late antiquity. These works explained stigmata as wounds that martyrs received, like the apostle Paul, in their attempt to spread Christianity in the face of resistance. By the seventh century, stigmata were described as marks of Christ that priests received invisibly at their ordination. In the eleventh century, monks and nuns were perceived as bearing the stigmata in so far as they lived a life of renunciation out of love for Christ. By the later Middle Ages holy women like Catherine of Siena (d. 1380) were more frequently described as having stigmata than their male counterparts. With the religious upheavals of the sixteenth century, the way stigmata were defined reflected the diverse perceptions of Christianity held by Catholics and Protestants. This study traces the birth and evolution of religious stigmata as expressed in theological discussions and devotional practices in Western Europe from the early Middle Ages to the early seventeenth century. It also contains an introductory overview of the historiography of religious stigmata beginning in the second half of the seventeenth century to its treatment and assessment in the twenty-first century.


2005 ◽  
Vol 48 (2) ◽  
pp. 555-565
Author(s):  
KATE LOVEMAN

Reading, society and politics in early modern England. Edited by Kevin Sharpe and Steven N. Zwicker. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003. Pp. ix+363. ISBN 0-521-82434-6. £50.00.The politics of information in early modern Europe. Edited by Brendan Dooley and Sabrina A. Baron. London and New York: Routledge, 2001. Pp. viii+310. ISBN 0-415-20310-4. £75.00.Literature, satire and the early Stuart state. By Andrew McRae. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004. Pp. ix+250. ISBN 0-521-81495-2. £45.00.The writing of royalism, 1628–1660. By Robert Wilcher. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001. Pp. xii+403. ISBN 0-521-66183-8. £45.00.Politicians and pamphleteers: propaganda during the English civil wars and interregnum. By Jason Peacey. Aldershot: Ashgate, 2004. Pp. xi+417. ISBN 0-7546-0684-8. £59.95.The ingenious Mr. Henry Care, Restoration publicist. By Lois G. Schwoerer. Baltimore and London: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2001. Pp. xxvii+349. ISBN 0-8018-6727-4. £32.00.In 1681 the Italian newswriter Giacomo Torri incurred the wrath of the French ambassador to the Venetian Republic with his anti-French reporting. The ambassador ordered Torri to ‘cease and desist or be thrown into the canal’. Torri, who was in the pay of the Holy Roman Emperor, responded to the ambassador's threat with a report that ‘the king of France had fallen from his horse, and that this was a judgement of God’. Three of the ambassadors' men were then found attacking Torri ‘by someone who commanded them to stop in the name of the Most Excellent Heads of the Council of Ten … but they replied with certain vulgarities, saying they knew neither heads nor councils’. Discussed by Mario Infelise in Brendan Dooley and Sabrina Baron's collection, this was a very minor feud in the seventeenth-century battles over political information, but it exemplifies several of the recurring themes of the books reviewed here. First, the growing recognition by political authorities across Europe that news was a commodity worthy of investment. Secondly, the variety of official and unofficial sanctions applied in an attempt to control the market for news publications. Thirdly, the recalcitrance of writers and publishers in the face of these sanctions: whether motivated by payment or principle, disseminators of political information showed great resourcefulness in frustrating attempts to limit their activities. These six books investigate aspects of seventeenth-century news and politics or, alternatively, seventeenth-century literature and politics – the distinction between ‘news’ and certain literary genres being, as several of these authors show, often difficult to make.


2021 ◽  
Vol 43 (4) ◽  
pp. 171-198
Author(s):  
Karoline P. Cook

By the early seventeenth century, petitioners at the royal court in Madrid who claimed descent from the Inca rulers of Peru, the Aztec rulers of Mexico, and the Nasrid emirs of Granada found ways to acquire noble status and secure rights to their ancestral lands in the form of entailed estates. Their success in securing noble status and title to their mayorazgos (entailed estates) rested on strategies, used over the course of several generations, that included marriages with the peninsular nobility, ties of godparentage and patronage, and military service to the crown. This article will examine the networks formed in Madrid between roughly 1600 and 1630 when the descendants of the Inca and Aztec rulers interacted with peninsular noble families at court, obtaining noble status and entry into the military orders and establishing their mayorazgos. Their strategies for claiming nobility show striking parallels to those adopted by the Morisco nobility, and one aim of this article is to suggest how knowledge of such strategies circulated among families both at the royal court in Madrid and in the viceroyalties of New Spain and Peru.


PEDIATRICS ◽  
1970 ◽  
Vol 45 (6) ◽  
pp. 944-944
Author(s):  
T. E. C.

No physician of eminence came to this country during the seventeenth century. Medicine was practiced either by clergymen, or the Colonial Governors; both, at best, were only partly trained as physicians.1 The pathetic letter below, exactly as written by the child's father, was sent to John Winthrop, the Younger (1606-1676). This letter is typical of those Winthrop often received from desperate parents who had no other source of medical advice for their children. Worthie Sir I am bold to write a few lines about our child. he is 23 weeks old, hath been somewhat ill 3 or 4 weeks, unquiet, his eyes looking yellow, having a cough, especially when he takes his vistuals. wee thought he might have been breeding teeth: but about a week past we peceived yt. [that] he had the yellow Jaundise. By Mrs. Hooker her advice we gave him Barbaric barke boyled in beer, wth saffron, twice a day, for two dayes together. & one time saffron alone. Also lice 2 or 3 times [once thought to be of therapeutic value in jaundice] & Tumerick twice. we hoped yt. the Jaundise had been cured: because he was sometimes more cheareful & had a better appetite, but the last Saterdaie at night he was very unquiet heavie & could not sleep & upon the Sabbath seemed to looke somewhat swart [flushed] in the face. In the afternoone we gave him about 3 quarters of a grain of your purging powder, which we had of Mrs. haynes which caused him to vomit twice or thrice, & to purge downwards thrice he slept well the night after & in the morning was somewhat unquiet again as before, wringing & winding back.


Author(s):  
John T. Hamilton

This chapter considers Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz who devoted his philosophic and scientific career to harmonizing discordances and unifying disparities, calculating the otherwise incalculable and reconciling the seemingly unreconciliable. The universalizing thrust of Leibniz's thinking is of a piece both with his ecumenism and with his moral and political views. The Cartesian who rejects phenomena as false simply because they can be doubted lacks the courage to face conflicts that may arise within any aspect of human experience. Instead, Leibniz refused to be daunted by uncertainty. In this regard, he should be numbered among those seventeenth-century theoreticians of probability like Pierre de Fermat, Blaise Pascal, and Jakob Bernoulli, who strove to develop models of rational judgment and action in the face of grave uncertainty.


2019 ◽  
pp. 212-246
Author(s):  
Robert A. Schneider

This chapter focuses on the famous Rambouillet salon, the most important gathering spot for aristocrats—both men and women—and writers in the early decades of the seventeenth century. Presided over by the Marquise de Rambouillet and, especially, her daughter Julie, this institution was deliberately conceived as a refuge from the royal court, which was considered by many as lacking in refinement and politesse. It fostered intense interactions between a privileged and cultivated Parisian elite and up-and-coming writers. Indeed, for the latter, the salon was their primary “public.” The chapter looks particularly at several aspects of these interactions, from theatrical productions and literary pastimes to several textual representations. As a premier locus of “retreat,” the salon affords a particularly revealing example of how this ethos informed the cultural dynamics of the day.


2017 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 129-157 ◽  
Author(s):  
Naofumi Abe

Abstract The middle of the eighteenth century reportedly witnessed the emergence of the new literary movement in Persian poetry, called the “bāzgasht-e adabi,” or literary return, which rejected the seventeenth-century mainstream Indian or tāza-guʾi style. This literary movement recently merits increased attention from many scholars who are interested in wider Persianate cultures. This article explores the reception of this movement in late eighteenth- and early nineteenth-century Iran and the role played by the Qajar royal court in it, mainly by the analysis of a specific sub-genre of tazkeras, called “royal-commissioned tazkeras,” which were produced from the reign of the second Qajar monarch Fath-ʿAli Shāh onward. A main focus will be on the reciprocal relationship between the court poets/literati and the shah, which presumably somehow affected our understanding of Persian literature today.


Author(s):  
H. Kurdian

The great and important Armenian colony of New Julfa in Iṣfahān, Iran, was in existence from the very beginning of the seventeenth century, when Shāh ‘Abbās I deported large groups of Armenians from their homeland to the districts of Chahār Maḥāl and Iṣfahān, the capital, and to Perria (Aleppo). In a very short time, expatriate Armenians made New Julfa a great suburb of the city, gaining universal recognition as an important eastern centre of trade and commerce and glowingly described by all European travellers who visited Iṣfahān in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries.


1985 ◽  
Vol 36 (4) ◽  
pp. 570-589 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Lake

Hatred of popery was hardly a puritan monopoly in late sixteenthand early seventeenth-century England. The conviction that the pope was Antichrist was something of a commonplace amongst Protestant Englishmen. Considerable attention has recently been paid to the terms in which the identification was established and asserted. The supposed link between such concerns and a ‘millenarian’ radicalism has quite rightly been challenged, most notably by Dr Bauckham. It remains true, of course, that sensitivity towards the extent and nature of the popish threat was a hallmark of puritanism. The consequences of this, however, were ambiguous. The conviction of the reality and pervasiveness of the popish threat undoubtedly prompted much of the puritan critique of the established Church. Certainly, the rhetoric of Antichrist played a crucial role in puritan denunciations of the corruptions of the English Church. But such denunciations drew much of their polemical force from the fact that the premise on which they were based – the antichristian nature of popery – was generally accepted by English Protestants. For the whole strength of the puritans’ case rested on their ability to present their position as but the logical extension to the area of church polity and ceremony of positions readily accepted in the realm of doctrine. Even the most committed Presbyterians accepted that the doctrine of the established Church was unequivocally Protestant. For the immediate polemical purposes of Presbyterians this provided a powerful argument for a parallel and equally thorough reformation of church polity and discipline. Taking a longer perspective and in the face of the threat from Rome, such considerations served to underline the ties of common interest and identity that bound puritans to the national Church.


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