WHAT AILED SAM STONE'S INFANT SON?

PEDIATRICS ◽  
1970 ◽  
Vol 45 (6) ◽  
pp. 944-944
Author(s):  
T. E. C.

No physician of eminence came to this country during the seventeenth century. Medicine was practiced either by clergymen, or the Colonial Governors; both, at best, were only partly trained as physicians.1 The pathetic letter below, exactly as written by the child's father, was sent to John Winthrop, the Younger (1606-1676). This letter is typical of those Winthrop often received from desperate parents who had no other source of medical advice for their children. Worthie Sir I am bold to write a few lines about our child. he is 23 weeks old, hath been somewhat ill 3 or 4 weeks, unquiet, his eyes looking yellow, having a cough, especially when he takes his vistuals. wee thought he might have been breeding teeth: but about a week past we peceived yt. [that] he had the yellow Jaundise. By Mrs. Hooker her advice we gave him Barbaric barke boyled in beer, wth saffron, twice a day, for two dayes together. & one time saffron alone. Also lice 2 or 3 times [once thought to be of therapeutic value in jaundice] & Tumerick twice. we hoped yt. the Jaundise had been cured: because he was sometimes more cheareful & had a better appetite, but the last Saterdaie at night he was very unquiet heavie & could not sleep & upon the Sabbath seemed to looke somewhat swart [flushed] in the face. In the afternoone we gave him about 3 quarters of a grain of your purging powder, which we had of Mrs. haynes which caused him to vomit twice or thrice, & to purge downwards thrice he slept well the night after & in the morning was somewhat unquiet again as before, wringing & winding back.

Author(s):  
Carolyn Muessig

Francis of Assisi’s reported reception of the stigmata on Mount La Verna in 1224 is often considered to be the first account of an individual receiving the five wounds of Christ. The thirteenth-century appearance of this miracle, however, is not as unexpected as it first seems. Interpretations of Galatians 6:17—I bear the stigmata of the Lord Jesus Christ in my body—had been circulating in biblical commentaries since late antiquity. These works explained stigmata as wounds that martyrs received, like the apostle Paul, in their attempt to spread Christianity in the face of resistance. By the seventh century, stigmata were described as marks of Christ that priests received invisibly at their ordination. In the eleventh century, monks and nuns were perceived as bearing the stigmata in so far as they lived a life of renunciation out of love for Christ. By the later Middle Ages holy women like Catherine of Siena (d. 1380) were more frequently described as having stigmata than their male counterparts. With the religious upheavals of the sixteenth century, the way stigmata were defined reflected the diverse perceptions of Christianity held by Catholics and Protestants. This study traces the birth and evolution of religious stigmata as expressed in theological discussions and devotional practices in Western Europe from the early Middle Ages to the early seventeenth century. It also contains an introductory overview of the historiography of religious stigmata beginning in the second half of the seventeenth century to its treatment and assessment in the twenty-first century.


2001 ◽  
Vol 15 (8) ◽  
pp. 517-521 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert Enns

Diagnostic strategies for lower gastrointestinal bleeding include nuclear scintigraphy, mesenteric angiography and endoscopic evaluation of the lower gastrointestinal tract. Each method has inherent advantages and disadvantages. Nuclear scintigraphy is simple and noninvasive, but high rates of false localization have led most clinicians to insist on confirmation of the bleeding site by another method before considering surgical intervention. Angiography is very specific, but is invasive and not as sensitive as nuclear scintigraphy. Colonoscopy is sensitive and specific, and can offer therapeutic value but can be technically challenging in the face of acute lower gastrointestinal hemorrhage. These strategies and the evidence behind them are discussed.


2005 ◽  
Vol 48 (2) ◽  
pp. 555-565
Author(s):  
KATE LOVEMAN

Reading, society and politics in early modern England. Edited by Kevin Sharpe and Steven N. Zwicker. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003. Pp. ix+363. ISBN 0-521-82434-6. £50.00.The politics of information in early modern Europe. Edited by Brendan Dooley and Sabrina A. Baron. London and New York: Routledge, 2001. Pp. viii+310. ISBN 0-415-20310-4. £75.00.Literature, satire and the early Stuart state. By Andrew McRae. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004. Pp. ix+250. ISBN 0-521-81495-2. £45.00.The writing of royalism, 1628–1660. By Robert Wilcher. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001. Pp. xii+403. ISBN 0-521-66183-8. £45.00.Politicians and pamphleteers: propaganda during the English civil wars and interregnum. By Jason Peacey. Aldershot: Ashgate, 2004. Pp. xi+417. ISBN 0-7546-0684-8. £59.95.The ingenious Mr. Henry Care, Restoration publicist. By Lois G. Schwoerer. Baltimore and London: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2001. Pp. xxvii+349. ISBN 0-8018-6727-4. £32.00.In 1681 the Italian newswriter Giacomo Torri incurred the wrath of the French ambassador to the Venetian Republic with his anti-French reporting. The ambassador ordered Torri to ‘cease and desist or be thrown into the canal’. Torri, who was in the pay of the Holy Roman Emperor, responded to the ambassador's threat with a report that ‘the king of France had fallen from his horse, and that this was a judgement of God’. Three of the ambassadors' men were then found attacking Torri ‘by someone who commanded them to stop in the name of the Most Excellent Heads of the Council of Ten … but they replied with certain vulgarities, saying they knew neither heads nor councils’. Discussed by Mario Infelise in Brendan Dooley and Sabrina Baron's collection, this was a very minor feud in the seventeenth-century battles over political information, but it exemplifies several of the recurring themes of the books reviewed here. First, the growing recognition by political authorities across Europe that news was a commodity worthy of investment. Secondly, the variety of official and unofficial sanctions applied in an attempt to control the market for news publications. Thirdly, the recalcitrance of writers and publishers in the face of these sanctions: whether motivated by payment or principle, disseminators of political information showed great resourcefulness in frustrating attempts to limit their activities. These six books investigate aspects of seventeenth-century news and politics or, alternatively, seventeenth-century literature and politics – the distinction between ‘news’ and certain literary genres being, as several of these authors show, often difficult to make.


Author(s):  
John T. Hamilton

This chapter considers Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz who devoted his philosophic and scientific career to harmonizing discordances and unifying disparities, calculating the otherwise incalculable and reconciling the seemingly unreconciliable. The universalizing thrust of Leibniz's thinking is of a piece both with his ecumenism and with his moral and political views. The Cartesian who rejects phenomena as false simply because they can be doubted lacks the courage to face conflicts that may arise within any aspect of human experience. Instead, Leibniz refused to be daunted by uncertainty. In this regard, he should be numbered among those seventeenth-century theoreticians of probability like Pierre de Fermat, Blaise Pascal, and Jakob Bernoulli, who strove to develop models of rational judgment and action in the face of grave uncertainty.


1950 ◽  
Vol 82 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 1-1
Author(s):  
J. V. S. Wilkinson

This painting is a dignified example of Mughal Court art towards the middle of the seventeenth century, when portraiture was at its zenith, and, under Court influence, very much in fashion. Bichitr (a Hindu) was one of several accomplished painters of Shah Jahan's reign. He signs himself here “Servant of the Royal Court”, and his portrait of his master, done in 1632, is at the Victoria and Albert Museum. Several other works by him were included in the celebrated Imperial Album to which “Shah Daulat” belonged. This artist, whose works generally emphasized drawing and eschewed brilliant colour, sometimes painted genre subjects and liked to fill the backgrounds of his portraits with realistic detail. Here, however, he has concentrated on a single figure, and mainly on the face, which is drawn with rare feeling and expressive skill. The Saint, who was a revered Muhammedan religious leader under three Emperors, is an impressive figure, with his white robe and brown scarf set against an almost black background. His enormous hands hold a globe inscribed in Persian, “The Key of the Victory over the two Worlds is entrusted to thy hand”; this may typify the devotion of a not unworldly ecclesiastic to the Emperor.


1985 ◽  
Vol 36 (4) ◽  
pp. 570-589 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Lake

Hatred of popery was hardly a puritan monopoly in late sixteenthand early seventeenth-century England. The conviction that the pope was Antichrist was something of a commonplace amongst Protestant Englishmen. Considerable attention has recently been paid to the terms in which the identification was established and asserted. The supposed link between such concerns and a ‘millenarian’ radicalism has quite rightly been challenged, most notably by Dr Bauckham. It remains true, of course, that sensitivity towards the extent and nature of the popish threat was a hallmark of puritanism. The consequences of this, however, were ambiguous. The conviction of the reality and pervasiveness of the popish threat undoubtedly prompted much of the puritan critique of the established Church. Certainly, the rhetoric of Antichrist played a crucial role in puritan denunciations of the corruptions of the English Church. But such denunciations drew much of their polemical force from the fact that the premise on which they were based – the antichristian nature of popery – was generally accepted by English Protestants. For the whole strength of the puritans’ case rested on their ability to present their position as but the logical extension to the area of church polity and ceremony of positions readily accepted in the realm of doctrine. Even the most committed Presbyterians accepted that the doctrine of the established Church was unequivocally Protestant. For the immediate polemical purposes of Presbyterians this provided a powerful argument for a parallel and equally thorough reformation of church polity and discipline. Taking a longer perspective and in the face of the threat from Rome, such considerations served to underline the ties of common interest and identity that bound puritans to the national Church.


2012 ◽  
Vol 36 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Bahrul Hayat

<p>Abstrak: Beberapa ahli memperkirakan ada sekitar 1,6 miliar orang Muslim di dunia, di mana 62.1 % dari mereka hidup di kawasan Asia. Hanya 15 % adalah Muslim Arab, sedangkan hampir sepertiga hidup di Asia Tenggara. Islam di Asia Tenggara relatif lebih moderat dibandingkan Islam di Timur Tengah. Sifat moderasi ini merupakan bagian yang tidak terpisah dari perkembangan Islam di Asia Tenggara. Islam sampai ke Asia Tenggara melalui jalur perdagangan dan tidak melalui penaklukan militer seperti yang banyak terjadi di dunia Arab, Asia Selatan dan Timur Tengah. Islam juga diwarnai pada paham animisme, Hindu, dan tradisi Buddha di Indonesia, yang memberikan ciri sinkritisme. Islam baru tersebar di Asia Tenggara pada akhir abad ke-17. Kebangkitan Islam telah mengubah wajah politik  Islam di Asia Tenggara. Memang benar bahwa Islam Asia Tenggara termasuk di antara Islam yang sangat minimal corak kearabannya yang diakibatkan oleh proses islamisasi yang pada umumnya berlangsung damai.</p><p><br />Abctract: The Contribution of Islam towards Southeast Asian Future Civilization. By some estimates there are approximately 1.6 billion Muslims in the world, of which 62.1% live in Asia. Only 15% of Muslims are Arab, while almost one third live in Southeast Asia. Islam in Southeast Asia is relatively more moderate in character than in much of the Middle East. This moderation stems in part from the way Islam evolved in Southeast Asia. Islam came to Southeast Asia with traders rather than through military conquest as it did in much of South Asia and the Arab Middle East. Islam also was overlaid on animist, Hindu, and Buddhist traditions in Indonesia, which are said to give it a more syncretic aspect. Islam spread throughout much of Southeast Asia by the end of the seventeenth century. The Islamic revival is changing the face of political Islam in Southeast Asia. It is true that Southeast Asian Islam is among the least Arabicized forms of Islam, largely as a result of a process of Islamization that was generally peaceful.</p><p><br />Kata Kunci: Islam, Asia Tenggara, peradaban</p>


1972 ◽  
Vol 9 ◽  
pp. 277-294
Author(s):  
Gordon Donaldson

It is perhaps debatable whether the Reformation itself had involved schism, or at any rate whether those who took part in it thought that it did. It is true that in 1555, on the insistence of John Knox when he was in Scotland on a visit from Geneva, some of the reforming party were prevailed on to give up attending ‘that idol’, the mass, and that before he left Scotland Knox administered the Lord’s Supper after the reformed model. It is true, too, that from this time or shortly thereafter Protestants began to gather together for worship, hardly in secret – for the government’s policy was not repressive – but at least without official recognition. These ‘privy kirks’, which existed before there was ‘the face of a public kirk’ and had their preachers, elders and deacons, were parallel to the congregations which English exiles were organising on the continent in the same years, and parallel, too, to the much more secret congregations which then existed in London. In the ‘First Bond’ of December 1557 a few notables renounced ‘the congregation of Satan’ and pledged themselves to work for the erection of a reformed Church, but, as they followed this with a supplication that the ‘common prayers’ should be read every Sunday in all parishes, it is evident that the aim was to reform the whole Church, not to separate from it.


2011 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-25 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel Beaver

AbstractThis essay concerns the permutations of English popular politics in its seventeenth-century Atlantic setting, using the record of local and individual experience of politics to examine the process whereby settlers took possession of land in Massachusetts Bay. Historians have long appreciated the importance of English local customs in the early North American settlements, but the explicit political significance of English corporate and manorial approaches to land law in these settlements, and in the expansion of the Massachusetts Bay regime during the 1640s, have not been properly understood. The essay's perspective is microhistorical, developing its case from Obadiah Bruen's detailed "town book" of the Gloucester plantation: the book that he kept as the settlement's recorder between 1642 and 1650. The plantation occupied a key set of coordinates at the junction of English popular politics and religion and the building of the Massachusetts Bay colony during the 1640s. Using a close reading of Bruen's text, the essay identifies a politics of land possession, fashioned from traditional English political forms and their uses of land law, that sustained the Gloucester plantation, much like the colony as a whole, through a decade of bitter internal divisions. In the face of religious conflict and the myriad difficulties of building a new regime, political order came to depend, in Gloucester as in Massachusetts Bay generally, on the power to convey secure title to the possession of land, a power enshrined in the routine administrative records of local notaries or recorders, officially required in each Massachusetts Bay township during the 1640s.


Polar Record ◽  
1996 ◽  
Vol 32 (182) ◽  
pp. 229-236
Author(s):  
Robert Davidson

ABSTRACTScurvy was a long-recognised problem amongst sailors, the cure and prevention ofwhich is sometimes incorrectly accredited to James Lind in the mid-eighteenth century. However, the therapeutic value of many antiscorbutic foods was discovered long before Lind's treatise on the scurvy was published in 1753, and problems with the deficiency continued well into the twentieth century. Through an examination of early Arctic exploration (1585–1632), the incidence and practical knowledge of this much-feared condition are analyzed. During this half century, knowledge of scurvy was far from complete, as is revealed in the journals of a number of voyages that set out in search of the Northwest Passage. From the careful reading of these journals many questions about the incidence of scurvy in the early exploration of the Canadian Arctic can be addressed.


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