Conservatism and Change in Roman Religion

1976 ◽  
Vol 44 ◽  
pp. 1-12 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. A. North

The conservatism of the Romans in matters of religion is a generally accepted truth and it is in many ways a very obvious truth. I have no intention of denying it. They set a very high value on their religious tradition; they sought to preserve and reproduce the ceremonies and customs inherited from their ancestors; they thought it wrong and even dangerous to abandon or neglect the many gods, goddesses and sacred places of which the city was full; they had no ideological framework which would have enabled them to think in terms of reforming and improving the national cult, as opposed to reviving and restoring it.I say that this is an obvious truth, because some degree of conservatism in this sense seems to be an inevitable feature of the type of Graeco-Roman paganism of which the Roman State cult is one example. A system in which the emphasis falls primarily on the performance of ritual acts—not on the worshippers' belief, or religious emotions and experiences, or on theology or ethics—such a system inescapably makes it a primary value, though not necessarily the only value, that the known ritual should be successfully repeated. This in turn must imply some implicit respect for the past and for the tradition from which the ritual emerged. For the Romans of any generation, the real validation of their religion lay in the fact that it had worked: that their ancestors had won battles, survived crises, eaten dinners, begotten children and expanded their power by the practice of the self-same rites and ceremonies as they practised themselves. For the Romans of the last generation of the Republic, it was a fact that their ancestors had won more battles and eaten better dinners than anybody else.

2020 ◽  
pp. 15-30
Author(s):  
Earl J. Hess

As the Federals moved from the Big Black River to Vicksburg on May 18, they experienced enormous confidence in Grant’s judgment and skills. Faced with the real prospect that the Confederates might fold if he attacked the defences of Vicksburg quickly, Grant wasted no time in planning an assault for the next day, May 19. But he did not know that Pemberton had positioned fresh troops exactly along the sectors most likely to be attacked. The defences of Vicksburg were by no means formidable in themselves. Constructed over the past few months, they were simply trenches that linked nine major forts and a greater number of smaller artillery positions. In many places, hardly a trench existed. But the most important consideration was that Maj. Samuel H. Lockett, Pemberton’s chief engineer, had placed them well along the only roughly continuous ridge line to be found in the badly eroded, loess soil that dominated the area east of Vicksburg. Confederate soldiers were busy digging in on May 18, strengthening the minimal works Lockett had managed to construct mostly with slave labor before that day. The earthworks were the only thing standing between the victorious Federals and the city.


2020 ◽  
Vol 164 ◽  
pp. 07024 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vladislav Zaalishvili ◽  
Aleksandr Kanukov ◽  
Ketevan Korbesova

According to numerous studies, even with a relatively low level of exposure to adverse environmental factors, risk of health deterioration may occur. Both the amount of harmful emissions and their chemical composition directly affect the level of air pollution. The article considers the issues of environmental pollution of an urbanized area by automobile exhausts. The most polluted city is Vladikavkaz that is the capital of the Republic. There the main stationary sources of pollution are located and the largest number of vehicles is concentrated. The dynamics of increasing the number of vehicles in the city of Vladikavkaz over the past 10 years and a corresponding increase in harmful emissions from combustion products are shown. For the same period of time, the amount of emissions of harmful substances into the atmosphere from stationary sources has been considered in order to compare their contribution to total pollution compared to road transport. Based on the explorations, it is shown that the main source of pollution in terms of emissions in the Republic of North Ossetia-Alania is road transport. The number of vehicles is increasing year after year, amid a decrease in total emissions of pollutants from stationary sources.


Leonardo ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 45 (4) ◽  
pp. 330-337 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chara Lewis ◽  
Kristin Mojsiewicz ◽  
Anneké Pettican ◽  

This paper focuses on two projects, Still Life No. 1 and Shadow Worlds | Writers' Rooms [Brontë Parsonage], to reveal the creative approaches the authors take to site, technology, and the self in their production of shadow worlds as sites of wonder. Informed by the uncanny (re-animation and the double) and an interest in the limen (thresholds in the real and virtual realms), the projects explore white light and infrared digital 3D scanning technologies as tools for capture and transformation. The authors will discuss how they suture the past with the present and ways that light slips secretly between us, revealing other realms.


Anclajes ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 151-166
Author(s):  
Enzo Matías Menestrina ◽  

The construction of identity in contemporary literature of the self has become a recurring fact in recent years. The limits that blur autofictions, where hazy boundaries separate the real from the fictitious, allow for life experiences to become diluted within the literary experience. Within the context of exile, all forms of identity construction are placed “in transit”: a learning process that involves an adaptation to a new territory and a new language. The second volume in Laura Alcoba’s trilogy, El azul de las abejas (2014 [2013]), shows how the exiled subject’s identity is constructed as a result of the changes arising from linguistic configuration and learning.


Author(s):  
Jeremy R. Ricketts

At its founding, the United States did not have a long history nor an official state religion to draw from to construct a national identity, so Americans turned to the creation of sacred geographies built around nature and, as time passed, the founding myths of the republic. These natural and human-built sacred places now span the United States and correspond to a civil religion that appeals to tourists. The United States even has sacred documents like the Declaration of Independence that tourists view with reverence. Sacred tourist destinations are often overtly constructed and they imbue a nation with identity, elicit something akin to religious awe, and create a place wherein public rituals and modern pilgrimages are enacted. They also underscore the diverse nature of sacred tourism in America. Religion and tourism both exist in space and use space to construct meaning. The motivations of those religious adherents who travel to sacred places are buttressed by an undercurrent of belief. Tourists, on the other hand, are not always believers, and they have diverse rationales for traveling to sacred places: some are on a quest for genuine spiritual engagement, others are seeking authenticity to offset the manufactured nature of modernity, and still others simply have an attraction to the cultural lore connected to a place. Tourists to religious sites thus arrive at a place that has been specifically designated sacred and therefore set apart, but while the place may be fixed geographically, its meanings commonly are not. Classifying a space brings it into existence as place, and this classification is regularly driven by the forces of commodification linked to tourism; it is also often contested between religious adherents and less spiritually inclined tourists and at times even within different tourist constituencies. Since human intervention is a precondition in any construction of place, sacred tourist destinations are based on mutually reinforcing relationships, and the tourists and pilgrims that seek sacred sites each play significant roles in creating, maintaining, or contesting a place’s identity. “Religious-based tourism,” “tourism to sacred places,” and “religious or spiritual tourism” each carry different connotations. While religious and spiritual tourism indicate tours undertaken solely or mainly for faith-based reasons, “religious-based tourism” acknowledges that tourists are not homogenous; those tourists whose main aim is recreational can still be religious adherents, nonreligious tourists are still usually visiting a sacred place because of its purported numinous qualities, and those whose primary goal is religious can still evince behavior typically associated with tourism. “Tourism to sacred places” or “sacred tourism” allows the flexibility to include hallowed places that are either formally religious or not. Indeed, sites of secular pilgrimage continue to proliferate wherein “pilgrim” is used indistinguishably from “tourist” because of the mixture of secular and sacred at the site itself as well as the diverse motivations of the people who journey there. A spatial examination of tourism to sacred sites must thus consider the spatial dynamics of the motivations and actions of people within a commodified and contested place that draws tourists, pilgrims, and the many who are both.


2021 ◽  
Vol 48 (5) ◽  
pp. 498-523
Author(s):  
Tsveta Todorova

The text tells about the urban phenomenon and the traditions of coffee and cafe in Europe and Bulgaria - one of the many borrowings of Europe from the Orient. The cafe is one of the characteristic components of the city and European civilization. In the second half of the 18th century, the real rise of these establishments began, which is explained by its multifaceted functions.


2021 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 127-139
Author(s):  
Olga M. Sokolova

Based on historical-genetic and comparative research methods, the article reveals the determinants of formation and development of the city commemorative culture. This issue is relevant because of the increasing influence of the memory of the past on modern sociocultural processes. The scientific novelty of the article lies in the study of poorly studied issues of the impact of commemorative culture on the development of culture in general; the opportunities of regulating the nature and distribution of memorial forms; the factors determining the formation of the city commemorative culture in the context of the historical and sociocultural dynamics of applicable societies of the civilizations of the past and present. The article uses an integrated approach, which determines the interdisciplinary nature of scientific research, allowing analyzing the aspects of the origin, interpretation of the features of the history and existence of monuments in different cultures. There are provided examples of commemoration practices in the post-Soviet countries, including the Republic of Belarus. The article concludes that the content of commemorative culture is determined primarily by religious traditions and state priorities. The creation of monuments and places of memory is used as an agitation and manipulative resource making an emotional impact; as an ideological tool shaping the perception of history in accordance with the state ideology. Commemorative practices take on special significance during the formation of nations, influencing the subject’s identification with the nation, and the awareness of national solidity. In this case, the monument represents a universal form of embodying and conveying the national idea.


2007 ◽  
Vol 120 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 70-106

AbstractHerman Jansz Breckerveld was born in Duisburg, Germany, in 1595/1596. He left his birth country for religious and economic reasons, deciding to settle in the Netherlands. There is evidence he was living in The Hague in the year 1622, though there is a strong possibility that he had been in the country for some time before then. It is probable that he learned the trade of glass making from a Master in Arnhem. Whilst living in The Hague Breckerveld befriended David Beck, Master of the French School there. Beck kept a diary of the year 1624 from which much information on the daily lives of himself and his friend Breckerveld can be drawn. Breckerveld was registered as an official glass maker of The Hague St. Luke Guild in 1623. The levels of his success varied, resulting in financial ups and downs. In March of 1624 he took on the role of teaching, taking on a student, most probably his first. In August of the same year he acquired new accommodation, where the first evidence of a workshop can be found. This workshop contained a glass furnace, the first he could claim to be his own. Prior to this he would take his glasses to Delft for them to be baked there. Little is known of commissions which Breckerveld may have received in his period in The Hague. Beck does mention a number of commissions for producing glasses, but these were for family members of Beck, who were among Breckerveld's circle of friends and acquaintances. At the end of 1625 Breckerveld, by this time married, left The Hague for Arnhem with his wife Jenneke Arents. He registered himself in the same year as glass maker and painter at the guild. From this time until his death in 1673 he ran a successful glass workshop with a total of 20 students, including his own son, Josua, who would later take over the running of the workshop just before his father's death. Breckerveld received many commissions from the city of Arnhem, a few from local organisations, and even some from the city of Nijmegen. A total amount of 3,000 guilders in commissions can be traced back from city account records. The majority of these earnings were made from the installation or renovation of clear or painted glass. Many commissions were for so-called 'tribute glasse', which were presented by the city of Arnhem to certain citizens or organisations. Alongside his work as a glass painter, Breckerveld was also active as a calligrapher and painter. Furthermore, he was periodically involved in many other work activities. This kind of versatility was hard to come by in the mid seventeenth century in the province of Zeeland in Holland, and in Utrecht. The artists in these regions, which at the time formed the economic heart of the Republic, had already specialised in their form of choice. The generalist Breckerveld would most probably have found it very difficult to compete with the large number of specialists in the more economically developed regions, who all had developed a very high standard of craftsmanship. Perhaps he was conscious of this and made the decision to move to Arnhem to avoid this competition. No painted glasses by Herman Breckerveld are known. It may be suggested that a glass with a depiction of Christ and the Samaritan Woman can be attributed to him. The only collection of his artistry known to date consists of 20 signed and attributed drawings, six prints, one painting and some calligraphic work. All but four of the drawings were produced in the period 1624-1626. Eight landscapes form, together with a set of signed landscapes dated from 1625, a stylistically unambiguous group. During this period he worked with thick, precisely placed lines, despite using almost no washing. His compositions from this time seem to be rather old fashioned for the period. He seems to have drawn inspiration mainly from artists such as Paulus Bril, Hendrick Goltzius and Jacob de Gheyn II. Furthermore, a group of four figure drawings can be attributed to him. Three drawings from the National Museum of Stockholm and one from the Detroit Institute of Arts were previously attributed to Hendrick Bloemaert and Herman Blockhauwcr, respectively. The drawings were made in the same style as Breckerveld's landscapes and seem to have been inspired by the series of prints 'Handling Weapons' by Jacob de Gheyn. Breckerveld often used prints by other artists as an example from which he worked. He was also inspired in this way by the work of Claes Jansz. Visscher, Hendrick Goltzius and Abraham Blocmart. There are only three signed drawings and one attributed drawing known by Breckerveld from the period post-1626. The style and technique of these differ greatly from the drawings from the period 1624-1626, the most obvious being the change in medium from pcn to brush. It is possible that there are more unsigned drawings from the period post-1626 that have remained intact, however, without material to compare these to one cannot without a doubt attribute these to Breckerveld. A number of attributed drawings made to him in the past arc for this reason not entirely convincing. Little research has been carried out into the work of Herman Breckerveld, as is the case for many seventeenth century artists. This lack of interest is partly due to the limited artistic value of their work. Any research does, however, contain cultural historical value. It provides us with new information on the social background of the non-specialised masters of a smaller level than their great counterparts. Even more so, research into these masters can assist in identifying the artists of the many as yet anonymous drawings from this period.


Synthesis ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. e106
Author(s):  
Zacharoula Petraki

Plato’s Phaedo aims to restore the reputation of Socrates by transforming him from a political scapegoat of Athens to a hero of the city who had put him to death. As scholars have shown, the dialogue’s heroization of Socrates shares affinities with the religious tradition of the hero cult (see White, 2000; Nagy, 2015). In this article I argue that the conceptualization of the philosopher as a cult hero is developed further in the Republic and the Laws. The Republic presents Socrates as the “oikist” of the ideal polis, who makes religious decisions under the authority of god Apollo. In the same vein, the distinguished classes of the philosopher-rulers in the Republic and of the auditors in the Laws are compared to another group also subsumed under the category of cult-heroes, the victorious Olympic athletes.


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