The Organization of African Unity and the United Nations: A Study of the Problems of Universal-Regional Relationship in the Organization and Maintenance of International Peace and Security

1971 ◽  
Vol 9 ◽  
pp. 30-58 ◽  
Author(s):  
R. A. Akindele
Keyword(s):  
International System ◽  
Political Order ◽  
World Peace ◽  
African Unity ◽  
International Peace ◽  
Formal Organization ◽  
Global System ◽  
Peace And Security ◽  
Organization Of African Unity ◽  
Power Configuration

World peace, like war, has tended to become indivisible. Nonetheless, the formal organization of international peace and security continues to be anchored to the principle of division and imperfect co-ordination of responsibility between universal and regional instrumentalities. The problem of maintaining world peace would probably have been much less troublesome than it is now if the international system had either been hierarchically organized, or based upon a strictly federal foundation. Needless to say, the global system remains largely a semi-primitive political order characterized, as it is, by a decentralized structure of power configuration.

scholarly journals World Peace and Gender Equality: Addressing UN Security Council Resolution 1325’s Weaknesses

2021 ◽  
pp. 247
Author(s):  
Elizabeth Griffiths ◽  
Sara Jarman ◽  
Eric Jensen
Keyword(s):  
United Nations ◽  
Gender Equality ◽  
Security Council ◽  
International Community ◽  
United Nations Security Council ◽  
Security Council Resolution ◽  
World Peace ◽  
International Peace ◽  
Peace And Security ◽  
The United Nations

The year 2020 marks the twentieth anniversary of the passage of United Nations Security Council Resolution (“UNSCR”) 1325, the most important moment in the United Nations’ efforts to achieve world peace through gender equality. Over the past several decades, the international community has strengthened its focus on gender, including the relationship between gender and international peace and security. National governments and the United Nations have taken historic steps to elevate the role of women in governance and peacebuilding. The passage of UNSCR 1325 in 2000 foreshadowed what many hoped would be a transformational shift in international law and politics. However, the promise of gender equality has gone largely unrealized, despite the uncontroverted connection between treatment of women and the peacefulness of a nation. This Article argues for the first time that to achieve international peace and security through gender equality, the United Nations Security Council should transition its approach from making recommendations and suggestions to issuing mandatory requirements under Chapter VII of the U.N. Charter. If the Security Council and the international community believe gender equality is the best indicator of sustainable peace, then the Security Council could make a finding under Article 39 with respect to ‘a threat to the peace’—States who continue to mistreat women and girls pose a threat to international peace and security. Such a finding would trigger the Security Council’s mandatory authority to direct States to take specific actions. In exercising its mandatory authority, the Security Council should organize, support, and train grassroots organizations and require States to do the same. It should further require States to produce a reviewable National Action Plan, detailing how each State will implement its responsibilities to achieve gender equality. The Security Council should also provide culturally sensitive oversight on domestic laws which may act as a restraint on true gender equality.

Special Conferences

1962 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 444-446
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
Research Council ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Self Determination ◽  
African Unity ◽  
International Peace ◽  
The World ◽  
Peace And Security ◽  
Economic Council ◽  
Set Up

Meeting in July 1959 at Sanniquellie, Liberia, President Tubman of Liberia, President Touré of Ginea, and Prime Minister Nkrumah of Ghana pledged themselves to work together for the formation of a “Community of Independent African States.” To this end, they decided that a special conference should be held in 1960 after Nigeria, Togoland, and the Cameroons had attained independence. They agreed on the following principles to be presented to the projected conference as the basis for discussion: 1) Africans, like all other peoples, had an inherent right to independence and self-determination; 2) the name of the proposed organization should be the “Community of Independent African States;” 3) each state or federation which became a member of the Community should maintain its own national identity and constitutional structure; 4) each member should accept the principle of noninterference in the internal affairs of any other-member; 5) the acts of states or federations members of the Community should be determined in relation to the essential objectives of freedom, independence, and unity of the African personality; 6) the policy of the Community should be to build up a prosperous African unity for the benefit of the peoples of Africa and of the world, and in the interests of international peace and security; 7) a main objective should be to help accelerate the independence of African territories subjected to domination; 8) the Community should set up an economic council, a cultural council, and a scientific and research council; 9) membership should be open to all independent African states and federations and to nonindependent countries upon their attainment of independence; 10) the Community should have a flag and an anthem, to be decided upon at a later date; and 11) the motto of the Community should be “Independence and Unity.”

Syria - The Failure of Humanitarianism

2020 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 176-181
Author(s):  
Sabin Guțan
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
International System ◽  
International Humanitarian Law ◽  
Humanitarian Law ◽  
International Peace ◽  
Armed Struggle ◽  
Terrorist Organizations ◽  
Peace And Security ◽  
The Face ◽  
Syrian Revolution

AbstractThe Syrian Revolution aimed to remove the dictatorial regime from power and liberate the Syrian people. Following the example of other peoples, such as the Libyan and Egyptian, Syrian citizens began protests, initially peaceful, against the authorities. Authorities’ response was harsh, punishing very hard protesters of all ages. More and more people came out to protest; more and more people have been arrested by authorities, imprisoned under inhuman conditions, tortured, murdered. The authorities resorted to starving the civilians to force them to give up protests. Supported by deserted soldiers, the protesters organized and began the armed struggle against government forces. The dictatorial regime resorted to many illegal means and methods of war to maintain its power: killings, torture, bombings without discrimination, use of chemical weapons, collaboration with criminal and terrorist organizations, starvation of civilians, retaliation, etc. Unfortunately, the international community has remained powerless in the face of these atrocities. Thus, the gaps and inequities of the functioning of the international system for the defence of international peace and security, human rights and international humanitarian law are observed once again.

The United States and the International Criminal Court

1999 ◽  
Vol 93 (1) ◽  
pp. 12-22 ◽  
Author(s):  
David J. Scheffer
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
International Criminal Court ◽  
International Criminal ◽  
International System ◽  
The United States ◽  
Criminal Court ◽  
International Peace ◽  
National Courts ◽  
Peace And Security ◽  
Special Responsibilities

The United States has had and will continue to have a compelling interest in the establishment of a permanent international criminal court (ICC). Such an international court, so long contemplated and so relevant in a world burdened widi mass murderers, can both deter and punish diose who might escape justice in national courts. Since 1995, the question for the Clinton administration has never been whether there should be an international criminal court, but rather what kind of court it should be in order to operate efficiently, effectively and appropriately within a global system that also requires our constant vigilance to protect international peace and security. At the same time, the United States has special responsibilities and special exposure to political controversy over our actions. This factor cannot be taken lightly when issues of international peace and security are at stake. We are called upon to act, sometimes at great risk, far more than any other nation. This is a reality in the international system.

scholarly journals La Cour internationale de Justice comme instrument de la paix par le droit

2005 ◽  
Vol 25 (2) ◽  
pp. 273-293 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nathalie Ros
Keyword(s):  
United Nations ◽  
International Law ◽  
World Peace ◽  
International Peace ◽  
Political Will ◽  
Peace And Security ◽  
The Icj ◽  
Effective Role ◽  
The United Nations ◽  
Effective Function

The maintenance of international peace and security is the primary purpose of the United Nations and the effective function of the ICJ is obviously to contribute to it. Now that 50years have passed since the foundation of this Court and while the Bosnian case is pending, the question of the effectiveness of its judicial function inevitably arises: in practice, it often suffers from the lack of political will of the sovereign States. But thanks to its contribution to the development of international law, the ICJ indirectly plays an effective role in the cause of world peace : it exercises a function of "normative supply", implied and derived from the primary function of the principal judicial organ of the United Nations.

The Unified World Order

2014 ◽  
Vol 31 (2) ◽  
pp. 75-100
Author(s):  
Bakare Adewale Muteeu
Keyword(s):  
Cultural Values ◽  
International System ◽  
World Order ◽  
Social Injustice ◽  
World Peace ◽  
Technological Determinism ◽  
Open World ◽  
The World ◽  
Capitalist World ◽  
The Rich

In pursuit of a capitalist world configuration, the causal phenomenon of globalization spread its cultural values in the built international system, as evidenced by the dichotomy between the rich North and the poor South. This era of cultural globalization is predominantly characterized by social inequality, economic inequality and instability, political instability, social injustice, and environmental change. Consequently, the world is empirically infected by divergent global inequalities among nations and people, as evidenced by the numerous problems plaguing humanity. This article seeks to understand Islam from the viewpoint of technological determinism in attempt to offset these diverging global inequalities for its “sociopolitical economy”1existence, as well as the stabilization of the interconnected world. Based upon the unifying view of microIslamics, the meaning of Islam and its globalizing perspectives are deciphered on a built micro-religious platform. Finally, the world is rebuilt via the Open World Peace (OWP) paradigm, from which the fluidity of open globalization is derived as a future causal phenomenon for seamlessly bridging (or contracting) the gaps between the rich-rich, rich-poor, poor-rich and poor-poor nations and people based on common civilization fronts.

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