Universality, Quality & Economics: Finding a Balance in Ontario and British Columbia

1994 ◽  
Vol 20 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 203-229
Author(s):  
John D. Blum

National economies worldwide are in disarray, evidenced by escalating debts and growing deficits. As countries struggle with their faltering economies they are hard pressed to fulfill commitments of social programs made in more prosperous times, much less take on new government initiatives. The current experiences in health reform in the United States present an interesting example of the dilemmas governments now face when they embark on new ventures. While great political pressures have been launched and high expectations abound, the reality of American health reform quickly reveals that expanded access will come at a high price that won't be offset easily by conventional cost containment or market forces.In the search for an acceptable model for health reform, it was popular for policy makers and academics to turn their attentions to the health systems of other nations. Recommendations were made that the US should adopt a German or Canadian solution for our health problems.

Author(s):  
John Dumbrell

This chapter examines how the external environment of US foreign policy and internal pressures on policy makers both shifted radically in the 1990s. Internationally, the ‘long 1990s’ were characterized by intense democratic possibility. Yet they were also years of atavistic negativity and irrationality, as seen in Rwanda and Bosnia. Two questions arise: First, how should the United States respond to a world which was apparently both rapidly integrating and rapidly disintegrating? Second, was it inevitable, desirable, or even possible that the US should provide global leadership? Before discussing various approaches to these questions, the chapter considers the wider international environment of apparent unipolarity and globalization. It also analyzes the development of American foreign policy under presidents George H. W. Bush and Bill Clinton, focusing in particular on the so-called ‘Kennan sweepstakes’ during the first year of Clinton’s presidency as well as Clinton’s turn towards unilateralism and remilitarization.


PeerJ ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 5 ◽  
pp. e4082 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jun Liang ◽  
Kunyan Wei ◽  
Qun Meng ◽  
Zhenying Chen ◽  
Jiajie Zhang ◽  
...  

BackgroundAs the world’s second-largest economy, China has launched health reforms for the second time and invested significant funding in medical informatics (MI) since 2010; however, few studies have been conducted on the outcomes of this ambitious cause.ObjectiveThis study analyzed the features of major MI meetings held in China and compared them with similar MI conferences in the United States, aiming at informing researchers on the outcomes of MI in China and the US from the professional conference perspective and encouraging greater international cooperation for the advancement of the field of medical informatics in China and, ultimately, the promotion of China’s health reform.MethodsQualitative and quantitative analyses of four MI meetings in China (i.e., CMIAAS, CHINC, CHITEC, and CPMI) and two in the US (i.e., AMIA and HIMSS) were conducted. Furthermore, the size, constituent parts and regional allocation of participants, topics, and fields of research for each meeting were determined and compared.ResultsFrom 1985 to 2016, approximately 45,000 individuals attended the CMIAAS and CPMI (academic), CHINC and CHITEC (industry), resulting in 5,085 documented articles. In contrast, in 2015, 38,000 and 3,700 individuals, respectively, attended the American HIMSS (industry) and AMIA (academic) conferences and published 1,926 papers in the latter. Compared to those of HIMSS in 2015, the meeting duration of Chinese industry CHITEC was 3 vs. 5 days, the number of vendors was 100 vs. 1,500+, the number of sub-forums was 10 vs. 250; while compared to those of AMIA, the meeting duration of Chinese CMIAAS was 2 vs. 8 days, the number of vendors was 5 vs. 65+, the number of sub-forums was 4 vs. 26. HIMSS and AMIA were more open, international, and comprehensive in comparison to the aforementioned Chinese conferences.ConclusionsThe current MI in China can be characterized as “hot in industry application, and cold in academic research.” Taking into consideration the economic scale together with the huge investment in MI, conference yield and attendee diversity are still low in China. This study demonstrates an urgent necessity to elevate the medical informatics discipline in China and to expand research fields in order to maintain pace with the development of medical informatics in the US and other countries.


2019 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 7-9
Author(s):  
Judy Kruger

The United States (US) and Caribbean regions remain vulnerable to the impact of severe tropical storms, hurricanes, and typhoons. In 2017, a series of hurricanes posed threats to residents living in inland and coastal communities as well as on islands isolated from the US mainland. Harvey, Irma, Jose, and Maria caused catastrophic infrastructure damage, resulting in a loss of electrical power and communications due to damaged or downed utility poles, cell towers, and transmission lines. Critical services were inoperable for many months. Emergency managers are public officials who are accountable to both political leaders and the citizens. During disaster events, emergency managers must prioritize areas of effort, manage personnel, and communicate with stakeholders to address critical infrastructure interdependences. Essential lifeline services (eg, energy and communications) were inoperable for many months, which led to increased attention from policy-makers, media, and the public.


1998 ◽  
Vol 24 (4) ◽  
pp. 529-544 ◽  
Author(s):  
STEVE MARSH

The Anglo-Iranian oil crisis of 1950–4 provides an ideal case-study for those interested in the postwar Anglo-American Special Relationship. This article investigates the oil crisis with two purposes in mind: first, to demonstrate how Britain and the United States struggled to adjust their bilateral relations in response to their changing postwar world positions; second, to show just how crucial both countries perceived the Special Relationship to be in the early 1950s. This is done by examining the American decision not to pursue a policy in the Iranian oil crisis that would undermine Britain's position, despite at times severe Anglo-American tension. It is concluded that the problems created by the changing balance of forces within the Special Relationship were mitigated in Iran by a combination of consanguinity and, more important, the US need for British help in its policy of global containment. In short, Anglo-American policy-makers perceived sufficient mutual need to persuade them to actively preserve and develop the Special Relationship.


2009 ◽  
Vol 27 (4) ◽  
pp. 684-697 ◽  
Author(s):  
David P Dolowitz ◽  
Dale Medearis

Not enough has been written about the import, adaptation, and application of urban environmental and planning policies from abroad into the United States. Even less has been written about the voluntary cross-national transfer and application of environmental policies by American subnational actors and institutions. It is our intent to begin redressing this by discussing the transfer of urban environmental and planning policies from Germany to the United States during the early part of the 21st century. This discussion is informed by data drawn from governmental reports and planning statements and over thirty-five interviews with US urban environmental and planning practitioners operating in Germany and the United States. What we discover is that, unlike more rational models of policy transfer, the voluntary importation of environmental and planning policies into the US is seldom a problem-focused, goal-oriented process. Rather, what we find is that a better depiction of the transfer and adoption process is of a relatively anarchic situation. This appears to occur due to a range of institutional and cultural filters that predispose American policy makers against gathering (and using) information and experiences from abroad. We find that this filtering process tends to encourage policy makers to discount (or reject outright) the usefulness of overseas models and that, when they do engage in this process, any information gathered appears to be based less upon well-researched and analyzed data than embedded ‘tacit’ knowledge.


2009 ◽  
Vol 25 (S1) ◽  
pp. 33-41 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bryan Luce ◽  
Rebecca Singer Cohen

Objectives: To describe and explore the reasons for the current health technology assessment (HTA) landscape in the United States.Methods: Relying on multiple historical literature and other documents as well as drawing on personal experiences and observations, we describe, evaluate, and explain the evolving and dynamic HTA-related evidence landscape.Results: The present HTA-related landscape is a product of a dynamic, somewhat turbulent path in the United States. Many early aggressive federal efforts beginning in the 1970s were rejected in the 1980s only to be revived by the mid-1990s and continue to strengthen today, likely due to diffusing private sector political opposition from de-linking HTA from policy decisions (e.g., coverage, clinical guidelines) and omitting economic evaluation. Meanwhile, private sector HTA efforts have remained active during the entire period.Conclusions: The current HTA-related landscape is at least as dynamic as it has been at any point in its turbulent 30-year history and is likely to continue as health reform in the US is debated once again.


2005 ◽  
Vol 40 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-25 ◽  
Author(s):  
Inderjeet Parmar

AbstractThe American aggression in Iraq and the campaign in Afghanistan resulted from the 11 September 2001 attacks in the US. 9/11 has had a massive, catalysing effect on the American public, press, main political parties and official foreign policy makers. This article assesses the impact of 9/11 in changing US foreign policy and especially in creating a new foreign policy establishment by comparing it to the consequences of an historical military attack on the United States – Pearl Harbor, 7 December 1941. It concludes that there is adequate evidence to suggest that a new bipartisan foreign policy consensus/establishment has emerged.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 263178772199519
Author(s):  
Gerald F. Davis ◽  
Aseem Sinha

Organization theory faces challenges on all sides, yet it is uniquely suited to help understand and guide our current economic transition. In order to make good on this promise, however, organization theory needs to adopt a rigorously comparative approach and to jettison “America first.” Those who organize firms require ingredients that often include capital, labor, supplies, and a rule-bound market for selling. These ingredients in turn bear the imprint of national economies and the institutions that govern and support them. We argue that innovations in information and communication technologies (ICTs) combine with national institutions to guide what firms will look like by shaping what ingredients are available; ultimately, ICTs can fundamentally reorganize institutions such as capital and labor markets. We illustrate this argument with a comparison of how the ridehailing industry (such as Uber and Lyft in the United States) is organized in the US, Sweden, Germany, India, Indonesia, China, and Nigeria. The same basic innovation—a platform that allows riders and drivers to match via smartphone—produces substantially different organizational forms depending on domestic institutions. Moreover, in the US “Uberization” is challenging fundamental aspects of labor markets and the employment relation in industries well beyond ridehailing. The “varieties of Uberization” across national contexts exemplify the kinds of phenomena that organization theorists should be examining right now, if we aim to inform a more humane future.


2020 ◽  
Vol 20(35) (3) ◽  
pp. 4-15
Author(s):  
Tetyana Kuts ◽  
Oksana Makarchuk

This paper aims to provide market analysis of the sunflower market in Ukraine (UA) and research the existence of integration between the sunflower oil markets in Ukraine, the European Union (EU) and the United States (US). To fulfill the aims in the paper, yearly balances of sunflower seed, sunflower oil and sunflower cake were analyzed and price analysis was conducted. Price integration was assessed with the use of the error correction model (ECM) which was applied to monthly prices for sunflower oil from 2000 to 2020. Our findings provide evidence of high price transmission between the UA and EU markets, conversely lower price transmission was observed between the UA and the US.


2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (5) ◽  
pp. 145-157
Author(s):  
L. F. Lebedeva

The rising “national egoism” in the US economic policy has been taken place since D. Trump’s inauguration (January 20, 2017), with focus on protectionist measures, priorities for domestic production; on encouraging US companies to invest at home instead of foreign markets; control the fields of foreign investors in the American economy, etc. Covid-19 pandemic seems to have a massive impact on global diffusion of “national egoism” practices, making states more isolationist. The outbreak of the coronavirus has already become an important factor of influence on the national economies and relations between them. The article reviews the ways COVID 19 pandemic is intensifying the economic policies of President D. Trump based on nationalism, pointing out the trade and investment restrictions, their global effects. In light of the uncertainty about the pandemic’s duration and its economic impact, the paper is focusing on the immediate and more long-term global consequences of the US economic policy. All sorts of US government policy innovations during Trump’s presidency, including imposing and threatening to impose sanctions (which become usual, as to the US policy, before pandemic), tariff protections have their effects, spreading around the globe. Most of the new policies have become even more important under coronavirus pandemic, particularly concerning major strategic competitors of the United States. The American approaches to developing new rules and updating existing ones for the international connections, new import and export control actions are designed to promote economic objectives and political objectives as well. Being a powerful political and economic actor US have many instruments to influence the relations between countries. At the same time reinforced “national egoism” practices can make the economic and international trade recovery even more sluggish in the post – pandemic world.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document