Notables, Bourgeoisie, Popular Classes, and Politics

1995 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 275-287
Author(s):  
Marco Meriggi
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Political Change ◽  
The Other ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
The Political ◽  
Small States ◽  
National Unification ◽  
Popular Classes ◽  
The One

In recent years Italian social historians have devoted increasing attention to the nature and morphology of the nineteenth-century bourgeoisie. Traditional historiography viewed the bourgeoisie as key par excellence to the political change played out between 1859 and 1871. It was seen, on the one hand, as integral to the formation of a liberal political regime based on a limited suffrage, and, on the other, as critical to the outcome of the peninsula's national unification of a dozen small states, most of which were previously governed by absolutist regimes.

The politics of the unities: tragedy and the Risorgimento in Byron and Manzoni

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Arnold Anthony Schmidt
Keyword(s):  
Fifteenth Century ◽  
Political Change ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Implications ◽  
The One ◽  
Original Approach

This chapter takes an original approach to Byron’s much-discussed engagement with the early Risorgimento by focusing not on biographical aspects, but rather on formal issues. It centres on The Two Foscari in the context of the highly politicised contemporary Italian critical debates about the dramatic unities. In this fashion, it teases out the political implications of Byron’s adherence to the unities by comparing his play to Alessandro Manzoni’s Il conte di Carmagnola, which programmatically violates them. Focusing specifically on the playwrights’ representations of the fifteenth-century mercenary leader, Francesco Bussone da Carmagnola, the chapter explores these writers’ use or abuse of the unity of time, in particular. In doing so, it throws light on, and contrasts, Manzoni’s Risorgimento agenda on the one hand and Byron’s generally sceptical attitude about leadership and uncertainty about social and political change on the other.

Port Harcourt: Ibo Politics in Microcosm

1969 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 469-493 ◽  
Author(s):  
Howard Wolpe
Keyword(s):  
Political Change ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Scientist ◽  
National Unity ◽  
Political Experience ◽  
Port Harcourt ◽  
Post War ◽  
The One ◽  
The Relationship

To the political scientist concerned with the relationship between social and economic modernisation, on the one hand, and political change and integration, on the other, the Ibo experience has long held particular interest. In his pioneering study of Nigerian nationalism, James Coleman observed that Ibos had played a singular role in the post-war political era: ‘Ibos overwhelmingly predominated in both the leadership and the mass membership of the N.C.N.C., the Zikist Movement, and the National Church. Postwar radical and militant nationalism, which emphasized the national unity of Nigeria as a transcendent imperative, was largely, but not exclusively, an Ibo endeavor’1 But radical and militant pan-Nigerian nationalism was only one part of the Ibo political posture. No less noteworthy was the parallel development of a highly cohesive and organisationally sophisticated pan-Ibo movement, the very success of which ultimately undermined the pan- Nigerian aspirations of the Ibo-led N.C.N.C. and, subsequently, was one of several factors operating to impair the national legitimacy of an Ibo-led military régime. It is this paradoxical blending of ‘civic’ and ‘primordial’ sentiments which, perhaps, best defines the modern Ibo political experience2.

Politics, Trade and Communications in East Asia: Thoughts on Anglo-Russian Relations, 1861–1907

1987 ◽  
Vol 21 (4) ◽  
pp. 667-678
Author(s):  
Ian Nish
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
East Asia ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Total Trade ◽  
North East ◽  
Intelligence Operations ◽  
Political Stance ◽  
The One ◽  
Image Position

As Britain saw it, trade was not the prime motivating force for Russian expansion in east Asia or, put another way, the Russian frontiersmen were not driven by the actual amount of their trade there or its future potentialities. While Russia was primarily concerned with the tea trade over land frontiers, Britain was concerned with the seaborne commerce of China. The customs revenue paid to China in the year 1894 worked out as follows:Judging from the returns of the Chinese Imperial Maritime Customs Organization, British ships carried 83.5% of China's total trade. But Britain's commercial dominance affected her political stance because she wanted to preserve China's stability for most of the second half of the nineteenth century. This was at the root of the political tensions between Britain and Russia which emerged in China after 1860 and especially those which derived from the spate of railway building which took place from 1890 onwards. It would be foolish to deny that intense rivalry did exist in the area from time to time or that detailed observations of the actions of the one were regularly conducted by the other—what we should now call ‘intelligence operations’. But what I shall suggest in this paper is that, despite all the admitted antagonism and suspicion between Britain and Russia in east Asia, Britain regularly made efforts to reach accommodations with Russia in north-east Asia.

Reforms and Deficits: Ottoman Response to European Challenges

2018 ◽  
pp. 90-111
Author(s):  
Şevket Pamuk
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Western Europe ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Economic Power ◽  
The Balkans ◽  
The Social ◽  
Modern Turkey ◽  
The One ◽  
Independence Movements

This chapter discusses the Ottoman reforms as well as the efforts to finance them. The Ottoman government, faced with the challenges from provincial notables and independence movements that were gaining momentum in the Balkans, on the one hand, and the growing military and economic power of Western Europe, on the other, began to implement a series of reforms in the early decades of the nineteenth century. These reforms and the opening of the economy began to transform the political and economic institutions very rapidly. The chapter shows the social and economic roots of modern Turkey thus need to be sought, first and foremost, in the changes that took place during the nineteenth century.

Order and Disorder in Colonial South India

1989 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
pp. 459-492 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eugene F. Irschick
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
Large Scale ◽  
South India ◽  
Control Strategies ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Order And Disorder ◽  
Political Security ◽  
The One

Recently, we have come to see that the perceptions which we had of the decay and destruction of India in the eighteenth century were more than anything else a product of British writing which sought consciously or unconsciously to magnify and color the changes which took place in the eighteenth century to enhance the magnitude of their own ‘achievements’ from then onwards. ‘achievements’ from then onwards. Secondly, we have come to see the interaction of British desires for political security on the one hand and a steady income from land and other taxes as producing a situation first of depression in the first half of the nineteenth century and later of gradual underdevelopment at the end of the nineteenth and the beginning of the twentieth. It is therefore possible now to understand the unwillingness of the British administration in India to engage in any large-scale developmental activity which would upset the political balance which the British had established early in their relationship with landed and mercantile groups in the area. In this essay, I should like to address the connection between British support for landed groups in the agrarian area outside of Madras on the one hand and the colonial ‘discovery’ and reinforcement of traditions on the other, to understand both the nature of colonial control strategies and the genesis of Indian revivalism.

scholarly journals Camões e a literatura húngara do século XIX

2019 ◽  
Vol 02 ◽  
pp. 12-26
Author(s):  
Ferenc Pál
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Central Figure ◽  
Political Independence ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
The One

Camões, because of his romantic,life and the patriotism that reflects his masterpiece, Os Lusíadas, became very popular in nineteenth-century Hungary. On the one hand, it was the romantic feeling of the time that consecrated him a prominent poet and, on the other hand, the political and mental conditions of Hungary fighting at that time for the mental and political independence of the country. That is why frequent references are made to both his figure and his work, and the poet appears several times as a central figure in Hungarian works of fiction and poetry.

scholarly journals Politics of Silence: On Autonomous, Communicative and Aesthetic Silences

Pólemos ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 65-89
Author(s):  
Katariina Kaura-aho
Keyword(s):  
Political Change ◽  
Political Action ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Speech ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Aesthetic Practice ◽  
Active Communication ◽  
The One

Abstract The article analyses the political meaning of silence by reflecting on the communicative, autonomous and aesthetic function of silence in context of prevailing political speech systems. In the article, silence is interpreted as an active communication form, as an activist protest tactic and as an aesthetic practice. The article argues that silence can have a politically subversive function toward prevailing aesthetically organised speech systems.Conventionally, silence is devalued in Western societies that primarily celebrate the expressive and communicative capacity of verbal speech. In theorising about radically egalitarian politics, it is however crucial to note the various ways in which silence can be an important source of power. Silence holds the potential for certain active political change in current legal-political frameworks. On the one hand, silence can enable new communication forms and actualise alternative political solidarities and attachments. Also, the logic of oppressive speech systems can be resisted through silent political action. On the other hand, it is in an individual’s own practices of silence, ones that silent protests can bring about in their aftermath, where the sensibility of prevailing political speech orders can be rearranged. The article analyses these many meanings of political silence.

scholarly journals Czartoryski as a Polish Statesman

Slavic Review ◽  
1971 ◽  
Vol 30 (3) ◽  
pp. 606-614
Author(s):  
Charles Morley
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
The One ◽  
Direct Reflection ◽  
The Revolution

When one thinks of Poland in the nineteenth century, the revolutions of 1830 and 1863 come immediately to mind. Yet not all Poles believed that the problem of the relations between Poland and Russia could be resolved only by revolution. There were many who preferred reconciliation. The number in the one camp as against the other at any particular time was a direct reflection of the political atmosphere in Russia. Whenever conditions gave rise to hopes for liberalization and reform among the Russians themselves, the policy of reconciliation would gain adherents among the Poles. This was the case under Alexander I, at the beginning of Alexander IPs reign, and following the revolution of 1905.

scholarly journals Umat Islam di Filipina Selatan: Sejarah, Perjuangan, dan Rekonsiliasi

2014 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 54 ◽  
Author(s):  
Saifullah SA Saifullah SA
Keyword(s):  
Political Ideology ◽  
Political Change ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Struggle ◽  
National Integration ◽  
The People ◽  
The Government ◽  
The One ◽  
Near Future

This paper deals mainly with the political struggle of the people of Southern Philippine for independence. To a large extent, this paper is about the investigation of the political ideology of these people. To start with, the paper distinguishes between two opposing groups, namely the government and the Muslim group demanding for independence. The Muslims in their turn were then classified into two groups, the one is radical pursuing for political change through political –often violent- activities, and the other is moderate urging for a better life especially for Muslims through a peaceful, constructive, legal, and constitutional means. The paper argues that the government of the Philippine has shown its willingness to find ways of solving the problems through dialogue and peace process. The paper is also interested in discussing the view expressed by Peter Gowing who believes that in the near future the Muslims of the Philippine would be divided into two groups. The one successfully forms autonomous quasi-independent Muslim territories, and the other sticks to the national government having a strong consciousness to work toward the national integration and harmony.

Getting Over Athens

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nicolas Wiater
Keyword(s):  
Roman Empire ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
New Model ◽  
Dionysius Of Halicarnassus ◽  
The One

This chapter examines the ambivalent image of Classical Athens in Dionysius of Halicarnassus’ Roman Antiquities. This image reflects a deep-seated ambiguity of Dionysius’ Classicist ideology: on the one hand, there is no question for Dionysius that Athenocentric Hellenicity failed, and that the Roman empire has superseded Athens’ role once and for all as the political and cultural centre of the oikoumene. On the other, Dionysius accepted Rome’s supremacy as legitimate partly because he believed (and wanted his readers to believe) her to be the legitimate heir of Classical Athens and Classical Athenian civic ideology. As a result, Dionysius develops a new model of Hellenicity for Roman Greeks loyal to the new political and cultural centre of Rome. This new model of Greek identity incorporates and builds on Classical Athenian ideals, institutions, and culture, but also supersedes them.

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