Cindy Forster,The Time of Freedom: Campesino Workers in Guatemala's October Revolution. Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 2001. xi + 287 pp. $32.95 cloth; 19.95 paper.

2004 ◽  
Vol 66 ◽  
pp. 213-215
Author(s):  
J. David Granger

Forster's work in The Time of Freedom is a worthy contribution to scholarship on collective behavior in Latin America. The work appears largely intended to provide a narrative account of peasant organizing in a specific locale; however, the work implicitly incorporates a more comprehensive theory about bottom-up collective action. The account of bottom-up collective action given by the author is really one of contentious politics involving the simultaneous dynamics of four key groups: rural indigenous, rural ladinos, large landowners, and politicians. The movement is contentious for two reasons. First, the social movement arises from a previous period of relative stability, although under a dictatorship, and it incurs a significant change in elite political ideology. Second, the time frame spans about ten years, from the fall of Ubico in 1944 to the fall of Arbenz in 1954. The author leads the reader through the three stages of initial formation, mass action, and demobilization. The author's account of the 1944 Guatemalan Revolution challenges the traditional interpretation of hierarchical initiation. Historical accounts of the 1944 Revolution portray it as urban in its locale and middle-class in its support. Ignoring the rural indigenous and ladinos leaves a chasm in the understanding of contemporary Guatemalan history and politics. This is of particular importance in understanding the movement towards violence that followed from the failure to institutionalize the hard-earned gains of the collective movement.

Author(s):  
Margarita Diaz-Andreu

In this book explanations have operated at various levels, of which two will be highlighted here: top-down and bottom-up approaches. Regarding the first approach, it has been argued that archaeology’s emergence as a professional discipline needs to be understood within the framework of the appearance of nationalism as the political ideology that changed the way in which states were characterized, leading to their definition as self-governed nations. An overview of how nationalism, and, connected to it, imperialism and colonialism, affected the development and institutionalization of archaeology throughout the world in the nineteenth century has been provided in the introduction. In this final chapter I do not intend to repeat arguments put forward there. Instead, the following pages will further elaborate on the bottom-up approach, utilized throughout the work but not explicitly formulated. This concerns archaeologists’ role in the changes that led to the growing acceptance of nationalism and imperialism, and the increasing success of archaeology as a scholarly discipline. Nation, colony, empire, and state are abstract concepts that, in fact, represent communities of individuals whose agency is fundamental in the events that mark the history of these institutions. People successfully instil—or otherwise—the belief in the existence of a nation, an empire or a colony. Explorers, amateurs, and professionals played a vital part in the organization of the search for antiquities, claiming their undertakings were useful from a political point of view, and popularizing this vision through exhibitions, speeches, teaching, and publications. To understand correctly the mechanisms by which nineteenth-century archaeology related to nationalism it is important to stress that the political role played by most individuals involved in the study of antiquities was not the result of an imposition. On the contrary, free choice motivated them. The many analyses undertaken on the social provenance of archaeologists (for example Kristiansen 1981; Levine 1986; Mitchell 1998) show that a number hailed from the social elite and, importantly, that the great majority were from the middle classes. They, therefore, belonged to the strata in society leading the nineteenth-century revolutions. These were not enforced from above, but, quite the reverse, were voluntarily directed by the intelligentsia—the educated strata in the society mainly drawn from the middle classes—in their search for space in the political sphere.


2014 ◽  
Vol 38 (01) ◽  
pp. 76-101
Author(s):  
PETER M. SANCHEZ

AbstractThis paper examines the actions of one Salvadorean priest – Padre David Rodríguez – in one parish – Tecoluca – to underscore the importance of religious leadership in the rise of El Salvador's contentious political movement that began in the early 1970s, when the guerrilla organisations were only just beginning to develop. Catholic leaders became engaged in promoting contentious politics, however, only after the Church had experienced an ideological conversion, commonly referred to as liberation theology. A focus on one priest, in one parish, allows for generalisation, since scores of priests, nuns and lay workers in El Salvador followed the same injustice frame and tactics that generated extensive political mobilisation throughout the country. While structural conditions, collective action and resource mobilisation are undoubtedly necessary, the case of religious leaders in El Salvador suggests that ideas and leadership are of vital importance for the rise of contentious politics at a particular historical moment.


2021 ◽  
pp. 089033442199477
Author(s):  
Virginia Thorley

Wet-nurses themselves rarely left written accounts. In this article, I have reconstructed their experiences and work situations breastfeeding other women’s infants in colonial Australia through examining available sources concerning their employment situations and the fate of their infants when they were boarded out, as they commonly were. The employment of wet-nurses by royal households or prominent families has long been the topic of historical accounts, whereas the situation of the more numerous wet-nurses further down the social spectrum has received disproportionately little examination. In this article, I do not discuss informal, altruistic wet nursing by family or neighbors but, rather, the situation of those women for whom it was an occupation, by its very nature short term. Primary material sighted for this study included a considerable number of advertisements for positions placed by employers, their intermediaries (e.g., family physicians) and wet-nurses themselves, and newspaper reports when the wet-nurse’s children came to the attention of the courts. Death for boarded-out infants who succumbed to inappropriate feeding and substandard care was typically ascribed to “natural causes.”


2017 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 83-92 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lauren Hayes

This article concerns context-based live electronic music, specifically performances which occur in response to a particular location or space. I outline a set of practices which can be more accurately described as site-responsive, rather than site-specific. I develop a methodological framework for site-responsive live electronic music in three stages. First, I discuss the ambiguity of the termsite-specificby drawing on its origins within the visual arts and providing examples of how it has been used within sound art. I then suggest that site-responsive performance might be a more helpful way of describing this type of activity. I argue that it affords an opportunity for music to mediate the social, drawing on Small’s idea of music as sets of third-order relationships, and Bourriaud’s relational aesthetics. Third, I suggest that with the current renewed trend for performances occurring outside of cultural institutions, it is important to be mindful of the identity of a particular site, and those who have a cultural connection to it. I make reference to a series of works within my own creative practice which have explored these ideas.


1989 ◽  
Vol 16 ◽  
pp. 341-362 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jan Vansina

Around 1850 the peoples of central Africa from Duala to the Kunene River and from the Atlantic to the Great Lakes shared a common view of the universe and a common political ideology. This included assumptions about roles, statuses, symbols, values, and indeed the very notion of legitimate authority. Among the plethora of symbols connected with these views were the leopard or the lion, the sun, the anvil, and the drum, symbolizing respectively the leader as predator, protector, forger of society, and the voice of all. Obviously, in each case the common political ideology was expressed in slightly different views, reflecting the impact of differential historical processes on different peoples. But the common core persisted. The gigantic extent of this phenomenon, encompassing an area equal to two-thirds of the continental United States, baffles the mind. How did it come about? Such a common tradition certainly did not arise independently in each of the hundreds of political communities that existed then. However absorbent and stable this mental political constellation was, it must have taken shape over a profound time depth. How and as a result of what did this happen? Is it even possible to answer such queries in a part of the world that did not generate written records until a few centuries ago or less?This paper addresses this question: how can one trace the social construction of such a common constellation over great time depths and over great regional scale? All the peoples involved are agriculturalists and the political repertory with which we are concerned could not easily exist in its known form outside sedentary societies.


2021 ◽  

This book addresses the controversies surrounding smallholders’ opportunities for economic and social upgrading by joining global agricultural value chains (AVC). While international organizations encourage small farmers to become part of AVC, critics point out its risks. Unlike previous single case studies, researchers from three continents compared the influence of the characteristics of the crop (coffee, mango, rice), the end markets, and the national political economic contexts on the social and economic conditions for smallholders and agricultural workers. Their findings highlight the importance of collective action by smallholders and of a supportive state for economic and social upgrading. With contributions by Angela Dziedzim Akorsu, Do Quynh Chi; Francis Enu Kwesi, Daniel James Hawkins, Jakir Hossain, Khiddir Iddris, Clesio Marcelino de Jesus, Manish Kumar, Michele Lindner, Mubashir Mehdi, Rosa Maria Vieira Medeiros, Antonio Cesar Ortega, Thales Augusto Medeiros Penha, Bruno Perosa, Sérgio Schneider and Santosh Verma.


2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 131-156
Author(s):  
Ömer Turan

Abstract The student movement of ’68 was both a major source of inspiration and subject of research for the social movement scholars. One persistent disagreement about studying ’68 lies between the world-system theory—Wallerstein views the movement as “a single revolution”—and the contentious politics approach—McAdam, Tarrow, and Tilly refuse to consider ’68 “one grand movement.” Expanding this theoretical debate, this article overviews Turkey’s ’68 movement and discusses its divergence from the global movement. Wallerstein summarizes “the single revolution” of ’68 with five points: challenging US hegemony, working-class solidarity, demanding education reform, counter-culture, and challenging the old left. This article revisits these points and cross-reads them with insights of the contentious politics approach to evaluate Turkey’s ’68 movement. It then focuses on mobilizing structures, framing processes, and repertoires of contention that have shaped student activism.


2011 ◽  
Vol 15 ◽  
pp. 9-16
Author(s):  
Mayo Fuster Morell

In order for online communities to assemble and grow, some basic infrastructure is necessary that makes possible the aggregation of the collective action. There is a very intimate and complex relationship between the technological infrastructure and the social character of the community which uses it. Today, most infrastructure is provided by corporations and the contrast between community and corporate dynamics is becoming increasingly pronounced. But rather than address the issues, the corporations are actively obfuscating it. Wikiwashing refers to a strategy of corporate infrastructure providers where practices associated to their role of profit seeking corporations (such as abusive terms of use, privacy violation, censorship, and use of voluntary work for profit purposes, among others) that would be seen as unethical by the communities they enable are concealed by promoting a misleading image of themselves associated with the general values of wikis and Wikipedia (such as sharing and collaboration, openness and transparency). The empirical analysis is based on case studies (Facebook , Yahoo! and Google) and triangulation of several methods.


2012 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
James Bernauer, SJ

Is the tendency to think of heroism as the activity of an individual rather than of a collective merely a matter of prejudice?  Perhaps the European revolutions of 1989 and the Arab Spring of 2011 will foster more careful scrutiny of that assumption.  Are the heroic figures so often featured in journalistic as well as historical accounts only individuals who are witnesses to a communal transformation and empowerment?  Will a greater appreciation for heroic collective action promote a more nuanced perspective on the development of Jewish-Christian relations?  The author proposes a shift of focus to communal heroism through an examination of four examples: the Yad Vashem project of recognizing the "Righteous among the Nations"; the Hungarian Revolution; the historical development of religious toleration; and, finally, the place that the Holocaust has taken on in contemporary reflection.


1988 ◽  
Vol 17 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 5-18
Author(s):  
Richard C. Rich

A reexamination of certain tenets of Olson's logic of collective action suggests that it fails to explain some types of behavior found in voluntary organizations, especially mutual assistance groups. Specifically, Olson fails to account for non-coercive and non-individualistic factors and gives insufficient attention to the social context of voluntary organization life. A fresh applications of the prisoners' dilemma and the introduction of the concept of community expand our understanding of behaviors heretofore unexplained. Implications are discussed for the design and management of voluntary organizations under certain conditions.


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