X. The Modern Indonesian Intelligentsia as Protagonist of Political Modernization

Itinerario ◽  
1986 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 197-214
Author(s):  
Sartono Kartodirdjo
Keyword(s):  
Leadership Role ◽  
Political Commitment ◽  
Endogenous Factors ◽  
Nationalist Movement ◽  
Western Education ◽  
Political Role ◽  
The Sixties ◽  
Political Modernization ◽  
Frame Work ◽  
Structural Conduciveness

Numerous writings on intellectuals as learned or professional middle class have been published since the sixties for the obvious reason that this social group played a central role in the struggle for independence from which they emerged as the new leaders or ralers of new nations. Furthermore, being protagonist of change the intelligentsia showed their pre-eminence in giving their society a modern shape. Those studies show clearly the striking similarities of the characteristics of the intelligentsia from various developing countries. Their emergence was closely related to the expansion of western education, their marginal socio-historical location created the propensity to protagonize modernization, their oppositional role was inherent in their being a counter-elite in the colonial power structure. More similarities or parallel development can be brought up in our comparative study between India and Indonesia by asking the following questions: (1) Within the frame-work of the colonial setting what kind of factors were at work in creating the intelligentsia; (2) To what extend did endogenous factors impede the mobility and dynamics of the intelligentsia; (3) Did the intelligentsia's social origin put constraints on their capacity to accommodate themselves to new situations; (4) In fulfilling their function as intellectuals did they succeed in playing their leadership role in the nationalist movement; (5) Which structural conduciveness was necessary in order to provide a leverage to antagonize the establishment; etc. What kind of political commitment one came across among the intelligentsia? Were new ideologies quite instrumental in endorsing the intelligentsia's political role? Did they succeed in realizing political modernization?

Small Boroughs and Political Modernization 1832–1868: A Cornwall Case Study

1997 ◽  
Vol 29 (4) ◽  
pp. 622-642
Author(s):  
Edwin Jaggard
Keyword(s):  
Charles Dickens ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Small Towns ◽  
Anthony Trollope ◽  
Contemporary Fiction ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Sixties ◽  
Political Modernization ◽  
Political Differences

Mid-nineteenth century elections in England's small towns were vividly described in contemporary fiction. For example, Charles Dickens' Pickwick Papers included the Eatanswill contest in which a bucolic exuberance among voters rendered irrelevant the political differences between candidates Slumkey and Fizkin. Who could blame the enfranchised mob for their behavior during polling when “Excisable articles were remarkably cheap at all the public houses,” producing an epidemic of dizziness “under which they [the voters] might frequently be seen lying on the pavements in a state of utter insensibility.” Following his bitter experience in unsuccessfully contesting Beverley in East Yorkshire, one of the Eatanswills of the sixties, Anthony Trollope parodied the election in Ralph the Heir when he took his readers to Percycross, where the Conservative Sir Thomas Underwood managed to edge out Ontario Moggs, the radical bootmaker. Similarly, at Trollope's Silverbridge (in The Prime Minister), the levers of the “Castle” interest had long been pulled by the ironmonger Sprugeon and the cork sole maker Sprout, issues and principles apparently being of peripheral importance.

Sain Cymru: the role of the Welsh phonographic industry in the development of a Welsh language pop/rock/folk scene

Popular Music ◽  
1983 ◽  
Vol 3 ◽  
pp. 77-105
Author(s):  
Roger Wallis ◽  
Krister Malm
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Reverse Direction ◽  
World War ◽  
Nationalist Movement ◽  
Welsh Language ◽  
North Wales ◽  
The Sixties ◽  
Education Act ◽  
Plaid Cymru

One would expect to find a variety of views about a phenomenon which a minority of the 2.3 million inhabitants of Wales (around 500,000 people) value highly, but which a majority literally cannot understand. The role that the Welsh language should play is a controversial subject both within and outside those circles where it is spoken. Wales is one of the countries where the Celtic language has survived as a living language (the other Celtic areas are: Ireland and Scotland, where some Gaelic is spoken; Cornwall in southern England, where the language is dead; Britanny, in northern France, where Celtic just about lingers on). In the immediate post-World War II period, Welsh, it was predicted by many, would die out, with the language only surviving for a few decades in remote areas of North Wales. However, provisions in the 1944 Education Act were responsible for the beginnings of a movement in the reverse direction, and by the sixties, there was a revival of the language, mainly thanks to the activities of an ethnically orientated nationalist movement organised partly through a political party, Plaid Cymru, and partly through the Welsh Language Society, Cymdeithas Yr Iaith Gymraeg (see Williams 1977; Williams 1982, pp. 145–202; the chapter on Wales in Stephens 1976).

scholarly journals LANGUAGE SITUATION AND LANGUAGE POLICY IN THE CANADIAN PROVINCE OF QUEBEC

2020 ◽  
Vol 30 (6) ◽  
pp. 993-1000
Author(s):  
V.A. Kozhemyakina
Keyword(s):  
Language Policy ◽  
French Language ◽  
Standard Of Living ◽  
Canadian Province ◽  
Nationalist Movement ◽  
Quiet Revolution ◽  
Lower Stage ◽  
The Sixties ◽  
French Speaking ◽  
English Speaking

The article analyzes the language situation and language policy in the Canadian province of Quebec. The Federal and provincial laws on the language adopted in the second half of the XX century are analyzed and the situation in which the French language was in the province of Quebec is indicated. The sixties of the last century in Quebec is called the "quiet revolution", it was a period of profound social and political changes. The quiet revolution was peaceful, evolutionary, but it involved the entire population of the province. The "revolution" was accompanied by a change in the ethnic imbalance in the society, in which the both political and economic powers were in the hands of the English-speaking minority. Another important aspect was the modernization and secularization of the Franco-Canadian community and the rise of its standard of living up to the average level of Anglo-Canadians one. French-speaking Canadians who were at a lower stage of economic development, was on the edge of loosing their native language, which caused a strong rise of the nationalist movement in Quebec, which was directed by provincial authorities to rescue the Quebec version of the French language and improving socio-economic situation of the French speaking community.

Understanding India: Bhadralok, Modernity and Colonial India

2018 ◽  
Vol 45 (2) ◽  
pp. 257-285
Author(s):  
Aryendra Chakravartty
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Middle Class ◽  
Indian Society ◽  
Nationalist Movement ◽  
Early Attempt ◽  
Colonial India ◽  
Western Education ◽  
Late Nineteenth ◽  
Significant Attention

This article explores the understandings of mid-nineteenth-century colonial India through the perceptions of Bholanauth Chunder, an anglicised Bengali bhadralok and his early attempt at seeing and experiencing a historical entity called India. The role played by the middle class in forging a sense of anti-colonial nationalism has received significant attention, but this focuses on late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. By focusing on the perceptions and visions of an Indian middle class during the mid-nineteenth century, I provide an early articulation of nationalism which preceded the later nationalist movement by several decades. The ambiguous nature of the colonial middle class demonstrates that although they were concerned with articulating an incipient sense of nationalism, this did not involve a complete repudiation of the British. The influence of Western education is evident in Chunder’s strong desire for progress and modernity; his appreciation and use of history as an instrument in forging a common national past, although it is largely an imagination of a ‘Hindu’ past; and his critique of religious orthodoxy, which is inimical to progress. However, Chunder’s ethnographic observations demonstrate that his perceptions of Indian society were not entirely predetermined by colonial knowledge.

Endgames

2021 ◽  
pp. 141-170
Author(s):  
Doris Kadish
Keyword(s):  
New Left ◽  
Leadership Role ◽  
Personal Life ◽  
Norman Mailer ◽  
Susan Sontag ◽  
The Sixties ◽  
Irving Howe ◽  
Intellectual Movements ◽  
Partisan Review

This chapter traces Rahv’s disintegrating relationship with Partisan Review and explains why he could no longer play the leadership role of “secular rabbi.” It considers the magazine’s alleged ties with the CIA. It discusses changes in Rahv’s personal life: moving to Boston, joining the faculty at Brandeis, remarrying, founding a new magazine, Modern Occasions. It relates Rahv’s story to that of Hanneh Arendt, whose publication of Eichmann in Jerusalem provoked a bitter split within Partisan Review. Arendt’s and Rahv’s attitudes toward Jewishness and Israel are discussed. It considers his animus toward Susan Sontag and Norman Mailer and enthusiasm for the New Left, which provoked a public rift with longtime associate Irving Howe. It delves into the mysterious circumstances surrounding Rahv’s death and bequest to Israel. I relate my own attitudes during the sixties to Rahv’s, notably regarding new intellectual movements and feminism.

The EU’s engagement with the United Nations on human rights

2020 ◽  
pp. 171-189
Author(s):  
Anna-Luise Chané
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
United Nations ◽  
Leadership Role ◽  
Coordination Mechanism ◽  
External Representation ◽  
Political Commitment ◽  
Limited Participation ◽  
Eu Member States ◽  
The United Nations ◽  
The Eu

In line with the European Union’s (EU’s or Union’s) dual commitment to human rights and effective multilateralism, cooperation with the United Nations (UN) is an important element of the Union’s external human rights policy. Owing to a strong internal coordination mechanism, the EU acts as one of the most cohesive regional blocs at the UN. It successfully promotes a range of resolutions and ranks among the principal donors of UN human rights institutions. Nevertheless, the EU’s engagement with the UN is not without challenges, both external and internal in nature. Limited participation rights and time-consuming internal coordination processes, but also the increasing tendency among EU Member States to act outside of the Union, limit the EU’s potential for assuming its intended leadership role. This chapter provides a brief introduction to the UN human rights system and explores the Union’s political commitment to engaging with the UN, as well as the legal framework for doing so. After a brief overview of the Union’s internal coordination and external representation mechanisms, the chapter analyses the different tools that the EU has at its disposal in the UN. Finally, the chapter explores the opportunities and the challenges of EU-UN cooperation and concludes with a set of recommendations.

scholarly journals «She’s leaving home, bye bye». The Sixties, the Birth of the Teenagers and a New Generational Narration

2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 31-40
Author(s):  
Federico Piseri
Keyword(s):  
Rock Music ◽  
The United States ◽  
Pop Music ◽  
Political Commitment ◽  
Generational Conflict ◽  
Mass Consumption ◽  
Social Patterns ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
The Sixties ◽  
Youth Subcultures

The article proposes a reading and interpretation of the generational conflict of the Sixties using rock music as its main source of investigation. Being halfway between mass consumption product and cultural product, the pop music of the time has significantly defined one of the generational narrations of the baby boomers, the counter-cultural one, which has become a generational myth, strong enough to darken other parallel narrations and annihilate those of the following generation. The lyrics of the songs, the musical scenes, the youth subcultures that sprung from them are analysed in their constant exchange with the youth of the time in the United Kingdom and in the United States. We can read in them the rapid changes that took a significant part of a generation from an empty aesthetic, according to the detractors, to the strong social and political commitment, imposing its will to emerge and to change the social patterns and first of all the bonds of the family defined in the first half of the twentieth century.

scholarly journals FROM KITCHEN TO CORRIDOR OF POWER: YORUBA WOMEN BREAKING THROUGH PATRIARCHAL POLITICS IN SOUTH-WESTERN NIGERIA

2016 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 58-82
Author(s):  
Aderemi Suleiman Ajala ◽  
Olarinmoye Adeyinka Wulemat
Keyword(s):  
Gender Stereotypes ◽  
Political System ◽  
Women In Politics ◽  
Group Discussions ◽  
First Ladies ◽  
Nationalist Movement ◽  
Western Education ◽  
Key Informant ◽  
Civil Politics ◽  
Household Labour

Since the 1990s, a number of socio-cultural agencies have played a significant role in the rise of Yoruba women in civil politics. Amongst these are the increasing value of monogamy and women’s greater access to Western education; the culture of first ladies in government; and female socio-economic empowerment through paid labour. Despite their increasing participation, women are still marginalised in elective politics. Using the ethnographic methods of key informant interviews, observation and focus group discussions and a theoretical analysis of patriarchy, this article examines gender relations in Yoruba politics and in the nationalist movement in south-western Nigeria. The rise of Yoruba women in politics in south-western Nigeria is discussed, along with the factors influencing women’s participation in civil politics. The study concludes that patriarchal politics still exists in the Yoruba political system. Factors inhibiting the total collapse of patriarchal politics in south-western Nigeria include the nature of Yoruba politics; women being pitted against women in politics; gender stereotypes and household labour. Thus, to make Yoruba politics friendlier to all, it would be desirable to create more political openings for women.

scholarly journals University Presidents and Politicians

1978 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 19-31
Author(s):  
Claude T. Bissell
Keyword(s):  
University Presidents ◽  
Academic Community ◽  
Internal Stresses ◽  
Thorstein Veblen ◽  
The Public ◽  
University Of Toronto ◽  
Political Role ◽  
The Sixties ◽  
A Minor ◽  
The University

It is customary to think of the ideal university president as being necessarily opposed to the methods and aims of the public politician. I f , as Thorstein Veblen argued, he adopts those methods and aims, he betrays the university and becomes, in effect, the head of a corporation or a minor state. It is the argument of this paper, however, that the president can lead and direct the University only if he accepts a political role, and strives to establish a high place for the university among public priorities. At the University of Toronto (and at other Canadian universities in varying degrees and in varying ways), the president was not able to play this political role until the great expansion of the 'sixties. Then, the need for long-range planning brought the presidents into the political arena. At the same time, internal stresses led to the creation of more representative governing bodies within the universities, and made the president a political figure who must strive to achieve a central alliance within the academic community.

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