Isolationism revisited: seven persistent myths in the contemporary American foreign policy debate

2005 ◽  
Vol 31 (2) ◽  
pp. 237-261 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Dunn
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Political Discourse ◽  
American Foreign Policy ◽  
Us Foreign Policy ◽  
The Political ◽  
Policy Debate ◽  
The Us ◽  
Changes Over Time ◽  
Over Time ◽  
The Way

‘Isolationism’ is a much used and abused term in the contemporary American foreign policy debate. This article seeks to illuminate some of the misunderstandings that surround the use of this term by challenging seven persistent myths about isolationism. In so doing it sheds light on the often unarticulated role that this and other ideas play in the US foreign policy debate. It also seeks to demonstrate the nature of the main ideational cleavages within this debate which the isolationist name-calling obscures, and to show the way in which language is used in the political discourse and how its meaning in this debate changes over time.

scholarly journals Features of the US Foreign Policy Towards the Central Asian States

2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 65-81
Author(s):  
E. V. Kryzhko ◽  
P. I. Pashkovsky
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Central Asia ◽  
American Foreign Policy ◽  
Mineral Resources ◽  
Political Influence ◽  
The United States ◽  
Us Foreign Policy ◽  
Central Asian ◽  
The Us

The article examines the features of the US foreign policy towards the Central Asian states in the post-bipolar period. The imperatives and constants, as well as the transformation of Washington’s Central Asian policy, have been characterized. It is shown that five Central Asian states have been in the focus of American foreign policy over the past thirty years. In the process of shaping the US foreign policy in Central Asia, the presence of significant reserves of energy and mineral resources in the region was of great importance. Therefore, rivalry for Caspian energy resources and their transportation routes came to the fore. In addition to diversifying transport and logistics flows and supporting American companies, the US energy policy in Central Asia was aimed at preventing the restoration of Russia’s economic and political influence, as well as countering the penetration of China, which is interested in economic cooperation with the countries of the region. During the period under review, the following transformation of mechanisms and means of Washington’s policy in the Central Asian direction was observed: the policy of “exporting democracy”; attempts to “nurture” the pro-American elite; striving to divide states into separate groups with permanent “appointment” of leaders; involvement in a unified military system to combat terrorism; impact on the consciousness of the population in order to destabilize geopolitical rivals; building cooperation on a pragmatic basis due to internal difficulties and external constraints. Central Asian states sympathized with the American course because of their interest in technology and investment. At the same time, these states in every possible way distanced themselves from the impulses of “democratization” from Washington. Kazakhstan was a permanent regional ally of the United States, to which Uzbekistan was striving to join. The second echelon in relations with the American side was occupied by Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Turkmenistan. A feature of the positions of the Central Asian countries is the maximum benefit from cooperation with Washington while building good-neighborly relations with Russia and China, which is in dissonance with the regional imperatives of the United States. In the future, the American strategy in Central Asia will presumably proceed from the expediency of attracting regional allies and stimulating contradictions in order to contain geopolitical rivals in the region.

A Structural Explanation for Sino-US-Venezuelan Relations

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anthony Petros Spanakos
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
South America ◽  
Global Governance ◽  
Regional Governance ◽  
Chinese Foreign Policy ◽  
Us Foreign Policy ◽  
Governance System ◽  
Structural Explanation ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Way

US-Venezuelan relations display both confrontation and cooperation. Chinese relations with Venezuela are a most likely case for rebellion against the global governance system over which the US presides. This chapter makes a structuralist argument, arguing that the way that the three countries are positioned within global and regional governance structures conditions the underlying character of their relations with each other. Simply put, the US, China, and Venezuela have very different interests and capabilities and their structural positions in South America explain why the increased Chinese presence in Venezuela is neither a threat to the US nor does it substantially aid Venezuelan intentions toward multi-polarizing the region or world. To make this argument, the chapter assumes that US foreign policy toward Venezuela is informed by its position as regional hegemon, Chinese foreign policy toward Venezuela is informed by its position as an extra-regional commercial state, and Venezuelan foreign policy toward both is informed by its position as a petrostate.

6. American foreign policy during the Cold War

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard Saull
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Cold War ◽  
American Foreign Policy ◽  
Us Foreign Policy ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Korean War ◽  
Containment Policy ◽  
Historical Developments ◽  
The Third World ◽  
The Cold War

This chapter examines US foreign policy during the Cold War, beginning with an overview of the main historical developments in US policy. It first considers the origins of the Cold War and containment, focusing on the breakdown of the wartime alliance between the United States and the USSR, the emergence of US–Soviet diplomatic hostility and geopolitical confrontation, and how the Cold War spread beyond Europe. It then explains how the communist revolution in China in 1949 and the outbreak of the Korean War in June 1950 propelled the US towards a much bolder and more ambitious containment policy. It also looks at US military interventions in the third world, the US role in the ending of the Cold War, and the geopolitical, ideational, and/or socio-economic factors that influenced American foreign policy during the Cold War. The chapter concludes with an assessment of the dual concerns of US foreign policy.

scholarly journals Contemporary Problems of a “Grand Strategy” in the US Foreign Policy

2020 ◽  
pp. 27-39
Author(s):  
S. Kislitsyn
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
American Foreign Policy ◽  
The United States ◽  
Global Leadership ◽  
Us Foreign Policy ◽  
Grand Strategy ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Moment ◽  
Expert Community ◽  
Policy Elites

The research examines the main problems of a grand strategy in the US foreign policy. Attention is paid to the conceptual understanding of this term, its historical development, and the current state. The article analyzes the positions of American foreign policy elites and the expert community regarding the problem of the US self-positioning in the outside world. The article consists of three parts. The first analyses the main conceptual provisions of the “grand strategy” as a term. It describes its development from a military term, reflecting the general tactics in interstate confrontation to its comprehensive understanding as a coordination principle of long-term and medium-term goals with short term actions. The second part of the article focuses on the American foreign policy elites, their approaches, as well as public opinion on this issue. It is noted that the ideology of global leadership has become an important component of the establishment's thinking. It largely impedes the development of new foreign policy concepts and, as a result, reformatting the grand strategy. The third part is devoted to the positions of the expert community on the issue of grand strategy. Four main versions are considered: "Offensive", "Selective engagement", "Offshore Balancing", "Zero-sum". The author comes to a conclusion that the US foreign policy mixes several types of strategies at the moment. It is noted that as China strengthens, the United States faces a new competition, which, unlike the Soviet threat, implies not military-political, but economic confrontation. The implementation of the scenario of a "new Cold War" between Washington and Beijing can define the new goals of the grand strategy. At the same time, this also creates an ideological dilemma of recognizing a new challenge, an increasing alternative for American global leadership - the idea of which is still popular among representatives of American foreign policy elites.

What changes have taken place in US foreign policy towards Islamists?†

2013 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 189-197 ◽  
Author(s):  
Fawaz A. Gerges
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
National Security ◽  
War On Terror ◽  
American Foreign Policy ◽  
Arab World ◽  
Us Foreign Policy ◽  
Cultural Issues ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Relationship

American foreign policy does not seem to have undergone radical changes in its position towards Islamists. Instead, Islamists seem to display willingness to make a transition and cater for vital American interests in the Arab world - mainly with regard to the following four points: political economy; relations with Israel; the War on Terror; and issues related to identity, especially in the case of minorities. Islamists appear to have proven malleability towards the US in relation to the economic system and foreign policy. Some Islamist leaders have pointed out that the price of this adaptability is expected to be the respect of the US for Islamic ethos, added to the Islamists' autonomy on domestic, social and cultural issues. In conclusion, the relationship between Islamists and the US seems to be in the course of being shaped, but meanwhile, Islamists seem to adopt a realist stand on American foreign policy and national security whereby they do not seem to have quit the approaches of those regimes that have just gone.

Catalysing Events, Think Tanks and American Foreign Policy Shifts: A Comparative Analysis of the Impacts of Pearl Harbor 1941 and 11 September 2001

2005 ◽  
Vol 40 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-25 ◽  
Author(s):  
Inderjeet Parmar
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
American Foreign Policy ◽  
The United States ◽  
Us Foreign Policy ◽  
Pearl Harbor ◽  
Policy Makers ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Policy Shifts

AbstractThe American aggression in Iraq and the campaign in Afghanistan resulted from the 11 September 2001 attacks in the US. 9/11 has had a massive, catalysing effect on the American public, press, main political parties and official foreign policy makers. This article assesses the impact of 9/11 in changing US foreign policy and especially in creating a new foreign policy establishment by comparing it to the consequences of an historical military attack on the United States – Pearl Harbor, 7 December 1941. It concludes that there is adequate evidence to suggest that a new bipartisan foreign policy consensus/establishment has emerged.

scholarly journals US Foreign Policy at the Initial Stage of the Cold War

1970 ◽  
pp. 32-44
Author(s):  
D. Lakishyk ◽  
D. Puhachova-Lakishyk
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Cold War ◽  
American Foreign Policy ◽  
Far East ◽  
The United States ◽  
Us Foreign Policy ◽  
Marshall Plan ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Cold War

The article examines the formation of the main directions of the US foreign policy strategy at the beginning of the Cold War. The focus is on determining the vectors of the United States in relation to the spatial priorities of the US foreign policy, the particular interests in the respective regions, the content of means and methods of influence for the realization of their own geopolitical interests. It is argued that the main regions that the United States identified for itself in the early postwar years were Europe, the Middle and Far East, and the Middle East and North Africa were the peripheral ones (attention was also paid to Latin America). It is stated that the most important priorities of American foreign policy were around the perimeter of the zone of influence of the USSR, which entered the postwar world as an alternative to the US center  of power. Attention is also paid to US foreign policy initiatives such as the Marshall Plan and the 4th Point Program, which have played a pivotal role inshaping American foreign policy in the postwar period.

scholarly journals «Democracy distribution» strategy as a mechanism for U.S. foreign policy goals achieving (late 1980s - first half of the 1990s)

2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 208-213
Author(s):  
Svetlana Nikolaevna Belevtseva
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
American Foreign Policy ◽  
Us Foreign Policy ◽  
Political Scientist ◽  
International Affairs ◽  
Department Of State ◽  
Distribution Strategy ◽  
Conflict Situations ◽  
The Us ◽  
American Political Scientist

The paper deals with the US foreign policy during the presidency of George W. Bush and B. Clintons first presidential term. The author analyzes practical steps of the American administration related to the use of democracy distribution strategy as one of the main tools of the American foreign policy. The paper traces the use of democracy distribution strategy for the purpose of American global leadership achieving in the conditions of the unipolar world. The author also shows the influence on the US foreign policy precedent creation - lack of deterrent in the face of the USSR. Special attention is paid to the promotion of American-style democracy to the regions of the world where conflict situations arose. The paper also contains the facts that the American establishment justified the necessity of American leadership in international affairs as well as the assessments of the US foreign policy of power pressure under the slogan of democracy distribution. The paper is based on the documentary materials of the US presidents G.W. Bush and B. Clinton, as well as documents of the U.S. Department of state and Congress. The views of prominent American political scientist Henry Kissinger, President of the American economic strategy Institute Clyde Prestowitz and Russian historian Vladimir Sogrin are used to assess the activities of the American administrations.

Trends in just war thinking during the US presidential debates 2000–12: genocide prevention and the renewed salience of last resort

2013 ◽  
Vol 40 (1) ◽  
pp. 77-99 ◽  
Author(s):  
DANIEL R. BRUNSTETTER
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Just War ◽  
Us Foreign Policy ◽  
Presidential Debates ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Past ◽  
Critical Engagement ◽  
Time Period ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Way

AbstractIn this article, I explore the place of the just war tradition in US foreign policy by examining the use of just war language in the presidential debates in 2000 (Bush-Gore), 2004 (Bush-Kerry), 2008 (McCain-Obama), and 2012 (Obama-Romney). While critics focus on the use and abuse of just war language as rhetorical gloss to persuade the public an upcoming conflict is morally legitimate while serving the national interest, the debates showcase just war principles as part of a language of critical engagement. Each debate cycle allowed for critical reflection on the foreign policy decisions and just war philosophy of the incumbent president. During the time period I examine, the process of critical engagement identified two moral shortcomings of the past – the failure to act to stop the genocide in Rwanda and the premature use of force in Iraq. These perceived failures catalysed convergence, across party lines, on the way some jus ad bellum principles were understood: Just cause as including the moral obligation to intervene in some way to stop genocide and the renewed salience of the principle of last resort. There remained, however, stark differences in the way legitimate authority was understood.

Elites, Public Opinion, and Empire: On Lions, Foxes and Mass Politics in the Post-Vietnam Era

1982 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-23
Author(s):  
Jerry W. Sanders
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Capital Accumulation ◽  
Us Foreign Policy ◽  
Policy Debate ◽  
Political Climate ◽  
Democratic Movement ◽  
Mass Politics ◽  
The Us ◽  
To Come ◽  
The Right

This essay analyzes the replacement of ‘managerialism’ with ‘militarism’ as the dominant ideology within the US foreign policy establishment. At issue for both sides in the post-Vietnam power struggle was how best to combat centrifugal forces at work in the international order that threatened further erosion of the US empire. The resolution of the debate in favor of “containment militarism,” the paper contends, emerged from a decisive shift in the domestic political climate that, after a brief interregnum, restored US foreign policy to its familiar adversary role vis-a-vis global reform and transformation. In support of this thesis, the essay focuses attention on the “Soviet threat” mobilization campaign of the elite Committee On The Present Danger (CPD). As the parameters of policy debate moved steadily to the right during Carter's term in office, the Administration's rhetoric and doctrine evolved accordingly from global interdependence to global confrontation. The paper argues that the deepening crisis of capital accumulation acted as an added constraint on Carter, which, in combination with the domestic mood, forced abandonment of managerialism and with it all pretense of elite reform. It concludes by suggesting that the political impetus for meaningful global reform will have to come from a popular democratic movement. Conversely, the domestic concerns of the latter can only be realized in a world beyond empire.

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