scholarly journals The hegemon's choice between power and security: explaining US policy toward Asia after the Cold War

2010 ◽  
Vol 36 (04) ◽  
pp. 1121-1143 ◽  
Author(s):  
KAI HE
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
International System ◽  
Us Foreign Policy ◽  
Soft Landing ◽  
Early Implementation ◽  
The Us ◽  
Us Hegemony ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
Power Perception

AbstractAfter the Cold War, US strategists have suggested four strategies for the hegemon: hegemonic dominion, selective engagement, offshore balancing, and multilateralism. Rather than debating which strategy is the best for the US at all times, this article focuses on examining which policy is more likely to be chosen by the hegemon – the US – under different strategic conditions. Through a neoclassical realist argument – the power-perception hegemonic model, I argue that US foreign policy depends on how US policymakers perceive US hegemonic status in the international system. Under rising and stable hegemony, selective engagement and hegemonic dominion are two possible power-maximisation strategies given the weak security constraints from the system. Under declining hegemony, offshore balancing and multilateralism are more likely to be chosen by US policymakers to pursue security because of a resumed security imperative from anarchy. US policy toward Asia after the Cold War is a case study to test the validity of the power-perception hegemonic model. I conclude that US policymakers should prepare for life after Pax-Americana, and early implementation of offshore balancing and multilateralism may facilitate the soft-landing of declining US hegemony.

scholarly journals EXPLORING AND EXPLAINING THE ECONOMIC POLITICAL RELATIONS BETWEEN IRAN AND THE SOVIET UNION IN THE SECOND PAHLAVI ERA EMPHASIZING THE SYSTEM THEORY

2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Kimia Zare ◽  
Habibollah Saeeidinia
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Cold War ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
International System ◽  
World War ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Political Relations ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Cold War

Iran and Russia have common interests, especially in political terms, because of the common borders and territorial neighborhood. This has led to a specific sensitivity to how the two countries are approaching each other. Despite the importance of the two countries' relations, it is observed that in the history of the relations between Iran and Russia, various issues and issues have always been hindered by the close relations between the two countries. The beginning of Iran-Soviet relations during the Second Pahlavi era was accompanied by issues such as World War II and subsequent events. The relations between the two countries were influenced by the factors and system variables of the international system, such as the Cold War, the US-Soviet rivalry, the Second World War and the entry of the Allies into Iran, the deconstruction of the relations between the two post-Cold War superpowers, and so on.The main question of the current research is that the political relations between Iran and Russia influenced by the second Pahlavi period?To answer this question, the hypothesis was that Iran's political economic relations were fluctuating in the second Pahlavi era and influenced by the changing system theory of the international system with the Soviet Union. The findings suggest that various variables such as the structure of the international system and international events, including World War II, the arrival of controversial forces in Iran, the Cold War, the post-Cold War, the US and Soviet policies, and the variables such as the issue of oil Azerbaijan's autonomy, Tudeh's actions in Iran, the issue of fisheries and borders. Also, the policies adopted by Iranian politicians, including negative balance policy, positive nationalism and independent national policy, have affected Iran-Soviet relations. In a general conclusion, from 1320 (1942) to 1357 (1979), the relationship between Iran and Russia has been an upward trend towards peaceful coexistence. But expansion of further relations in the economic, technical and cultural fields has been political rather than political.

scholarly journals Sanctions as tools in the US foreign policy after the cold war

2006 ◽  
Vol 58 (4) ◽  
pp. 469-491
Author(s):  
Aleksandra Joksimovic
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Cold War ◽  
Public Diplomacy ◽  
Dominant Role ◽  
Us Foreign Policy ◽  
Military Interventions ◽  
The Third ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
The Impact

In searching for various opportunities to act in pursuing its foreign policy and endeavors to achieve a dominant role in the global processes USA has developed a broad range of instruments including a financial assistance as a way to be given support for its positions, intelligence activities, its public diplomacy, unilateral implementation of sanctions and even military interventions. The paper devotes special attention to one of these instruments - sanctions, which USA implemented in the last decade of the 20th century more than ever before. The author explores the forms and mechanisms for implementation of sanctions, the impact and effects they produce on the countries they are directed against, but also on the third parties or the countries that have been involved in the process by concurrence of events and finally on USA as the very initiator of imposing them.

6. American foreign policy during the Cold War

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard Saull
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Cold War ◽  
American Foreign Policy ◽  
Us Foreign Policy ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Korean War ◽  
Containment Policy ◽  
Historical Developments ◽  
The Third World ◽  
The Cold War

This chapter examines US foreign policy during the Cold War, beginning with an overview of the main historical developments in US policy. It first considers the origins of the Cold War and containment, focusing on the breakdown of the wartime alliance between the United States and the USSR, the emergence of US–Soviet diplomatic hostility and geopolitical confrontation, and how the Cold War spread beyond Europe. It then explains how the communist revolution in China in 1949 and the outbreak of the Korean War in June 1950 propelled the US towards a much bolder and more ambitious containment policy. It also looks at US military interventions in the third world, the US role in the ending of the Cold War, and the geopolitical, ideational, and/or socio-economic factors that influenced American foreign policy during the Cold War. The chapter concludes with an assessment of the dual concerns of US foreign policy.

Deterrence Then and Now.

2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-8
Author(s):  
James A. Thomson
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Nuclear Weapons ◽  
International System ◽  
Initial Attack ◽  
Extended Deterrence ◽  
The Us ◽  
Nuclear Attack ◽  
The Face ◽  
The Subject ◽  
The Cold War

Abstract: Against the backdrop of an international system becoming more confrontational in nature, the subject of deterrence is back again. This article provides an overview of the nature of the deterrence problem during the Cold War period and today. While the broader circumstances have changed markedly, today, the central issue of deterrence remains the same as in the Cold War: how to maintain the credibility of the American threat to employ nuclear weapons in the defense of allies in the face of adversaries that can retaliate with devastating nuclear attacks against the US itself. There is little doubt about the threat of the US or other nuclear powers to retaliate in the event of a nuclear attack against their own homelands, so long as those retaliatory forces can survive the initial attack. The problem is the credibility of US extended deterrence.

Securing Central America Against Communism: The United States and the Modernization of Surveillance in the Cold War

1999 ◽  
Vol 41 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-30 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert H. Holden
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Cold War ◽  
Central America ◽  
Formation Process ◽  
The United States ◽  
Central American ◽  
Sponsored Programs ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Cold War

The US.-sponsored programs of military and police collaboration with the Central American governments during the Cold War also contributed to the surveillance capacity of those states during the period when the Central American state formation process was being completed. Guatemala is used as a case study. Washington’s contribution was framed by the conventional discourse of “security against communism” but also by an underlying technocratic ethos in which “modernization” and “security” were higher priorities than democratization.

scholarly journals HAS THE US POLICY BEEN MORE ANTI-IRANIAN THAN PRO-ARAB WITH THE FALL OF THE SHAH? A HISTORICAL ANALYSIS

2021 ◽  
pp. 40-54
Author(s):  
Ilmi Dwiastuti
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Cold War ◽  
Historical Analysis ◽  
Bush Administration ◽  
Us Foreign Policy ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
The Us ◽  
Dynamic Relations ◽  
The Persian Gulf ◽  
The Cold War

AbstractSince the fall of the Shah, the US-Iran relations have changed significantly. During the Shah regime, US-Iran experience a warm relationship through economic and military partnerships, however, it changed since the Iran revolution until today. Iran turned out to be one of the axis of evil during the Bush administration. The fall of the Shah also changes the direction of the foreign policy of the US. It then led to the proposition of whether the US foreign policy has been more anti-Iranian than pro-Arab with the fall of the Shah. This paper seeks to answer this question through historical analysis. It examines the US policy during the Cold War era and the post-Cold War. Therefore, the US policy in the region is not always anti-Iranian than the pro-Arab case. The changed regional architecture influences the priorities of the President of the US at that time to put aside Iran's issue, as it happened on George H.W. Bush, Clinton, and Obama administration. Thus, the characteristic of the leader also heavily influences US posture in Iran, as Bush and Trump's personality and policies are clearly against Iran. However, despite the dynamic relations of the US-Iran, Iran has always been one of the threats for the US interest in the Persian Gulf since the Shah has fallen.

The USA policy towards Iraq Feb 8-1963- July17-1968

2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 391-415
Author(s):  
Harem Hasan Ahmed Baban ◽  
Mohammed Abdullah Kakasur
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Negative Impact ◽  
Us Foreign Policy ◽  
Economic Relations ◽  
American Interest ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Usa ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
Economic Ties ◽  
Important Site

The USA policy towards Iraq 1963-1968,is one of the significant topics that has been given special attention by researchers, especially the America’s role in bringing the Baathists to power in Iraq and recognizing them.Another issue that has been taken care of by America is how to strengthen its political, cultural, and economic ties, especially its oil relations with Iraq. Because of Iraq was one of main forces in the Middle East during the Cold War, Therefore, it has become an important site to American interest .On the other hand, there were some external factors that had a negative impact on the US foreign policy towards Iraq during this period. Among those factors, the Arab-Israel and the problem of western oil partners that were operating in Iraq at that time. However during existing these issues, the cultural and economic relations between USA and Iraq was still remain.

US imperialism after Iraq

Race & Class ◽  
2008 ◽  
Vol 50 (1) ◽  
pp. 37-58 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jerry Harris
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Cold War ◽  
Us Foreign Policy ◽  
Ruling Class ◽  
Ruling Elite ◽  
Economic Interests ◽  
Us Imperialism ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Moment ◽  
The Cold War

The failure of its occupation of Iraq has provoked deep divisions among the US ruling elite over the future of foreign policy. The unilateralism promoted by the neoconservatives has been discredited, yet it is unclear whether the post-Bush era will be dominated by the `realists' or the `globalists', each of whom advocate different pathways for US imperialism. The `realists' — long the dominant trend in US foreign policy thinking — aim to maintain US leadership of the pro-western alliance formed during the cold war, whereas the `globalists', whose economic interests are those of transnational capital, seek to rethink US power within the context of an emerging polycentric world system, the parameters of which remain to be fully articulated. For the moment, there is a disconnect between the transnational economics of globalisation and the nationalist politics of the US ruling class, which remains committed to its belief that America has been uniquely chosen by history, culture and God to lead the world.

AMERICAN CONCEPTS OF NATIONAL MISSILE DEFENCE IN EUROPE

2011 ◽  
Vol 161 (3) ◽  
pp. 163-181
Author(s):  
Paweł TURCZYŃSKI
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Cold War ◽  
International System ◽  
The United States ◽  
Terrorist Attacks ◽  
Power Balance ◽  
Missile Defense ◽  
The Us ◽  
International Power ◽  
The Cold War

It was in the 1970s when building anti-missile systems became technically possible. In the 1980s, R. Reagan had a vision of creating such a system covering the United States. After the Cold War was over, those projects were put to a halt, but as soon as fears of terrorist attacks increased, W. Clinton started developing them again, and after 9/11, G. Bush prioritized them. The US was quick to develop proper military technologies, but the concept of the National Missile Defense was often criticized. Other countries (Russia and many EU members) criticized Americans for disturbing the international power balance and the selective choice of participating countries. In 2009 B. Obama renounced previous projects and proposed creating an international system shielding many countries. This project was accepted by NATO members and Russia, but its final creation has been put off.

scholarly journals The Rise of Islamists in the Middle East and Chinese Interests in the Region

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Mohamed Kamal Ali Ahmed Elhomosany
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
Middle East ◽  
International System ◽  
Arab Countries ◽  
Economic Interests ◽  
New Era ◽  
The Us ◽  
Short Run ◽  
The Cold War

<p>The uprising in the Middle East is representing the beginning of a new era in the history of the region. The region has not been stable during most of the 20th century. The strategic position of the region has influenced its security. The Middle East has been part of most of the international conflicts whether directly or indirectly. During the Cold War, the Middle East has not suffered only from a division between Israel and the Arab Countries, but also between the Arab Countries themselves. The region has witnessed several times an intervention by major powers in the international system to protect their interests whether before or after the end of the Cold War. However, US supremacy after the end of the Cold War and the collapse of the Soviet Union was relatively short, as the World began a new era soon after the 9/11 attacks. The war on terrorism, the two wars in Afghanistan and Iraq, and the financial crisis were some of the factors that ended US supremacy after the end of the Cold War and started the US decline. At the same time, the international system has started to shift from uni-polarity to multi-polarity with the rise of new regional powers most prominent among them is China. The rise of China will affect the international system and have its impact on the Middle East. Besides the changes of the international system, the Middle East has witnessed uprisings late 2010 and beginning of 2011 that led to the removal of the three regimes in Tunisia, Egypt, and Libya. Although the new regimes have not been fully established, the rise of Islamists is one of the main consequences of such changes. Whether such changes in the Middle East can affect the interests of China in the region positively or negatively is the subject of this research. China’s interests in the region can be identified in three main categories: political and strategic interests; economic interests; and the effect of the developments in the region on Chinese territorial integrity in Xinjiang. To what extent the new environment will give the chance to China to extend its influence in the region beyond the traditional limits imposed on its interests?, and whether the new regimes in the region under the Islamists rule will seek a stronger relationship with China, to balance the influence of the US in the region, is the focus of this research. The research concludes that the rise of Islamists will not positively influence the political/strategic and economic interests of China in the Middle East at least in the short run and it will not negatively influence the sovereignty of China over Xinjiang.</p>

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