scholarly journals States of ambivalence: Recovering the concept of ‘the Stranger’ in International Relations

2020 ◽  
Vol 47 (1) ◽  
pp. 19-38
Author(s):  
Felix Berenskötter ◽  
Nicola Nymalm

AbstractThis article revisits and revives the concept of ‘the Stranger’ in theorising international relations by discussing how this figure appears and what role it plays in the politics of (collective) identity. It shows that this concept is central to poststructuralist logic discussing the political production of discourses of danger and to scholarship on ontological security but remains subdued in their analytical narratives. Making the concept of the Stranger explicit is important, we argue, because it directs attention to ambivalence as a source of anxiety and grasps the unsettling experiences that political strategies of conquest or conversion, including practices of securitisation, respond to. Against this backdrop, the article provides a nuanced reading of the Stanger as a form of otherness that captures ambiguity as a threat to modern conceptions of identity, and outlines three scenarios of how it may be encountered in interstate relations: the phenomenon of ‘rising powers’ from the perspective of the hegemon, the dissolution of enmity (overcoming an antagonistic relationship), and the dissolution of friendship (close allies drifting apart). Aware that recovering the concept is not simply an academic exercise but may feed into how the term is used in political discourse and how practitioners deal with ‘strange encounters’, we conclude by pointing to alternative readings of the Stranger/strangeness and the value of doing so.

City, State ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 17-50
Author(s):  
Ran Hirschl

This chapter examines four introductory dimensions of the political and constitutional discourse around cities. The first is the tremendous interest in cities throughout much of the human sciences as contrasted with the silence of public law in general, and of comparative constitutional law in particular. Next, the chapter takes a look at the dominant statist stance embedded in constitutional law, in particular as it addresses sovereignty and spatial governance of the polity. A brief account of what national constitutions actually say about cities, and more significantly what they do not is then given. Finally, the chapter turns to the tendency in political discourse on collective identity to understand the “local” almost exclusively at the national or regional levels, rather than distinguishing urban interests from those of the state. Taken together, the four angles of city constitutional (non)status examined here highlight the bewildering silence of contemporary constitutional discourse with respect to cities and urbanization, as well as the strong statist outlook embedded in national constitutional orders, effectively rendering the metropolis a constitutionally non-tenable entity.


2000 ◽  
Vol 86 (4) ◽  
pp. 1871 ◽  
Author(s):  
David S. Patterson ◽  
Brian C. Schmidt ◽  
Spencer R. Weart ◽  
Gary B. Ostrower

2019 ◽  
pp. 42-53
Author(s):  
Taras CHUGUJ ◽  

Background: the issue of the study of Rus’-Polish relations in the context of the struggle of Danylo and Vasylko Romanoviches for the paternal heritage is important at the present stage of the development of the historical research. Interstate relations between Rus’ and Poland in the first half of the 13th century need extensive analysis for finding out their peculiarities. Purpose: to objectively cover the peculiarities of the international relations of Rus’ and Poland during the Romanoviches’ struggle for the paternal inheritance in 1205–1245. For this it is necessary to consider topical issues of the Rus’-Polish relations, to analyze the discussion aspects of the policy of the Polish princes concerning the Volyn and Galicia lands, to determine the peculiarities of the interstate relations of Rus’, Poland, Hungary and the Golden Horde. Results: Rus’-Polish relations of the times of Danylo and Vasylko Romanoviches’ struggle for paternal heritage were complicated. Chronologically there are several periods: the first – 1205–1227, the second – 1227–1235, and the third – 1235–1245. If during the first period the political dependence of the young Danylo and Vasylko on the experienced Leshko Bilyi was observed, then after the death of prince of Little Poland, during the second period, the Romanoviches became allies of Conrad I. When the prince of Mazovia decided to support Mikhailo Vsevolodovich in the fight for Galych the third period began. The alternation of peaceful, hostile and allied relations between the rulers of Rus’ and Poland is common to all the three periods. The difference is that there was a change in the political priorities of the Polish princes depending on the changes in the position of Danylo and Vasylko. The victory of the Romanoviches in the Yaroslav battle in 1245 was a logical finish of the forty-years struggle of Roman Mstislavoviches’ sons for their father’s inheritance. Key words: Rus’-Polish relations, Volyn land, Galych land, Danylo Romanovich, Vasylko Romanovich, Leshko Bilyi, Konrad I Mazowiecki.


Author(s):  
Christopher S. Browning ◽  
Pertti Joenniemi ◽  
Brent J. Steele

This book theorizes and problematizes the politics of vicarious identity in international relations, where vicarious identity refers to processes of “living through the other.” While prevalent and recognized in family and social settings, the presence and significance of vicarious identification in international relations has been overlooked. Vicarious identification offers the prospect of bolstering narratives of self-identity and appropriating a sense of reflected glory and enhanced self-esteem, but insofar as it may mask and be a response to emergent anxieties, inadequacies, and weaknesses it also entails vulnerabilities. The book explores both its attraction and potential pitfalls, theorizing these in the context of emerging literatures on ontological security, status, and self-esteem, highlighting both its constitutive practices and normative limits and providing a methodological grounding for identifying and studying the phenomenon in world politics. Vicarious identification and vicarious identity promotion are shown to be politically salient and efficacious across a range of scales, from the international politics of the everyday evident, for instance, in practices associated with (militarized) nationalism, through to interstate relations. In regard to this latter the book provides case analyses of vicarious identification in relations between the United States and Israel, the UK–US special relationship, and between Denmark and the United States, and it develops a framework for anticipating the conditions under which states may be more or less tempted into vicarious identification with others.


2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 10-14
Author(s):  
Kamolaxon Abdurazakova ◽  

The article examines the relationship of international relations in the development of economic, political, legal, diplomatic, military, humanitarian and other spheres, the relationship between the political forces operating in the world. This aspect of the issue serves as additional material for works published on the international stage


2018 ◽  
Vol 62 (1) ◽  
pp. 123-139
Author(s):  
Anna Radiukiewicz

The author addresses the question of how a collective consciousness is shaped, using the example of KOD (Komitet Obrony Demokracji — the Committee for the Defense of Democracy), a social movement that emerged in Poland to protest the activities of the government installed after the parliamentary elections of 2015. As collective identity is to a high degree defined by the characteristics of an “other,” the statements of activists and followers of the KOD movement are analyzed. These statements come from voluntary interviews whose aim was to obtain a characterization of the opposing side. On the basis of this analysis, the author provides a portrait of the current political scene and essential parts of the political discourse.


1999 ◽  
Vol 41 (2) ◽  
pp. 29-55 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kathleen Bruhn

This article examines the political strategies of the EZLN, or Zapatista army, in Chiapas and the EPR, which operates mostly in Oaxaca and Guerrero, through a content analysis of their communiquiés. It argues that these two guerrilla movements demonstrate, through their cultural production, significantly different priorities and preferences; and that these differences reflect different strategic choices. Whereas the EZLN has chosen to pursue a revolutionary strategy similar in key respects to the “war of position” described by Gramsci, the EPR remains closer to the “war of movement.”


2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Otto Gusti Ndegong Madung ◽  
Winibaldus Stefanus Mere

This article aims to describe the role of Pancasila as an ideological basis and collective identity for the multicultural society of Indonesia. Pancasila has historically been proven to be able to unite Indonesia’s diverse peoples and cultures. Pancasila means five principles that construct the ethical basis for one common home, i.e. Indonesia. The principles are belief in one God, humanity, Indonesia’s national unity, representative democracy, and social justice for all Indonesian citizens. This article argues that in the midst of democratisation and the openness to globalisation, Pancasila needs to be re-interpreted and given a place in contemporary political discourse. It proposes that Pancasila should be read in the light of the contemporary political discourse between communitarianism and liberalism. Such a dialogue is fundamental to coping with the dogmatisation of Pancasila, which can result in the loss of its political relevance as a collective identity. Furthermore, liberalism and communitarianism are the two fundamental philosophical pillars beside socialism upon which the concept of human rights is developed. Therefore, combining Pancasila with the two philosophical concepts is very important to strengthen the role of Pancasila in promoting the idea and practices of human rights politics in Indonesia.


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