The Sound of Constitutional Silence

City, State ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 17-50
Author(s):  
Ran Hirschl

This chapter examines four introductory dimensions of the political and constitutional discourse around cities. The first is the tremendous interest in cities throughout much of the human sciences as contrasted with the silence of public law in general, and of comparative constitutional law in particular. Next, the chapter takes a look at the dominant statist stance embedded in constitutional law, in particular as it addresses sovereignty and spatial governance of the polity. A brief account of what national constitutions actually say about cities, and more significantly what they do not is then given. Finally, the chapter turns to the tendency in political discourse on collective identity to understand the “local” almost exclusively at the national or regional levels, rather than distinguishing urban interests from those of the state. Taken together, the four angles of city constitutional (non)status examined here highlight the bewildering silence of contemporary constitutional discourse with respect to cities and urbanization, as well as the strong statist outlook embedded in national constitutional orders, effectively rendering the metropolis a constitutionally non-tenable entity.

ICL Journal ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 0 (0) ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark Tushnet

Abstract This Essay is a personal reflection on the state of scholarship in the field of comparative constitutional law. I draw parallels between the development of and reaction to ‘critical perspectives’ on domestic US comparative constitutional law today. I argue that the parallels have similar political roots, in concern that critical perspectives undermine the ability of constitutional law, whether domestic or comparative, to resist conservative and antiliberal tendencies. I conclude with some speculations about the source of the political commitments by scholars of comparative constitutional law, and in particular about the way the field’s overall cosmopolitanism affects scholarship on anti-cosmopolitan populisms.


2017 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 22-45
Author(s):  
Akihiko Shimizu

This essay explores the discourse of law that constitutes the controversial apprehension of Cicero's issuing of the ultimate decree of the Senate (senatus consultum ultimum) in Catiline. The play juxtaposes the struggle of Cicero, whose moral character and legitimacy are at stake in regards to the extra-legal uses of espionage, with the supposedly mischievous Catilinarians who appear to observe legal procedures more carefully throughout their plot. To mitigate this ambivalence, the play defends Cicero's actions by depicting the way in which Cicero establishes the rhetoric of public counsel to convince the citizens of his legitimacy in his unprecedented dealing with Catiline. To understand the contemporaneousness of Catiline, I will explore the way the play integrates the early modern discourses of counsel and the legal maxim of ‘better to suffer an inconvenience than mischief,’ suggesting Jonson's subtle sensibility towards King James's legal reformation which aimed to establish and deploy monarchical authority in the state of emergency (such as the Gunpowder Plot of 1605). The play's climactic trial scene highlights the display of the collected evidence, such as hand-written letters and the testimonies obtained through Cicero's spies, the Allbroges, as proof of Catiline's mischievous character. I argue that the tactical negotiating skills of the virtuous and vicious characters rely heavily on the effective use of rhetoric exemplified by both the political discourse of classical Rome and the legal discourse of Tudor and Jacobean England.


2013 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 102-138 ◽  
Author(s):  
András Jakab ◽  
Pál Sonnevend

Hungarian constitutional law – New Basic Law – Continuity with the previous democratic Constitution – Vision of the political community embedded in the new Basic Law – The level of protection of fundamental rights – Continuity and lack of foreseeability in the organisation of the state – European legal procedures against or about Hungary – The life prospects of the new Basic Law – Danger of constitutional crisis whenever the government does not hold a constitution-amending majority


Litera ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 47-53
Author(s):  
Tamara Anikyan

This article examines the expressive potential of prosodic means based on the 2014 State of the Union Address to Congress delivered by the President of the United States Barack Obama “On the State of the Country”. Special attention is given to the discursive characteristics of the text and the peculiarities of communicative situation, including such prosodic parameters as pausation, tone and intensity, word accents, as well as capabilities of the syllabic consonants. The author employs auditive and instrumental methods for the analysis of speech fragments of the politician, which illustrates the effectiveness of modifications of suprasegmental speech characteristics for achieving the optimal rhetorical effect in the information-enriched text. The relevance of this research is defined by need for comprehensive analysis of the political discourse and techniques used to influence the audience. The scientific novelty lies in consideration of the expressive capabilities of prosodic means in the political texts with consideration of various extralinguistic factors, as well as within the specific type of political discourse – orientation genre as a speech of information-prescriptive nature. The acquired results demonstrate the expressive potential of suprasegmental means in oral speech, and can be implemented in teaching students-philologists the principles of analysis of political texts from the perspective of expressive syntax, prosody, cognitive syllabics, and rhetoric.


2021 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 45
Author(s):  
Zarul Arifin

Abstrak.Wacana tentang hubungan Islam dan negara masih menjadi pembahasan yang menarik. Masalahnya, Indonesia negara yang mayoritas warganya beragama Islam tidak menjadikan hukum Islam sebagai dasar konstitusinya, namun Indonesia juga bukan negara sekuler. Indonesia dapat dikatakan sebagai negara yang moderat, dimana hukum ketatanegaraan tidak bertentangan dengan hukum Islam Hukum Islam di tengah masyarakat Indonesia mempunyai kedudukan yang lebih penting dari pada dua ciri hukum lainnya yaitu hukum positif dan hukum hukum, tetapi tentunya tidak secara normatif atau ideologis. rasa ordogmatis, lebih secara tekstual tetapi secara kultural. Islam sebagai agama yang dianut oleh mayoritas penduduk Indonesia tentunya sangat mempengaruhi gaya hidup bangsa Indonesia. Dalam pandangan masyarakat Indonesia, hukum Islam merupakan bagian penting dari ajaran agama dan Islam merupakan ruang utama ekspresi pengalaman beragama dan menentukan keberlangsungan serta identitas sejarahnya.Kata kunci. Kinerja, Hukum Islam, Indonesia.Abstract. The discourse on the relationship between Islam and the state is still being discussedwhich are interesting. The problem is that Indonesia is a country with a majority of its citizensbeing Muslim does not make Islamic law the basis of its constitution.However, Indonesia is also not a secular country. Indonesia cansaid to be a moderate country, where the constitutional law does not contradict Islamic lawIslamic law in the midst of Indonesian society has a positionwhich is more important than the two other legal features, positive law and lawadat, but certainly not in a normative or ideological sense ordogmatic, more so textually but culturally. Islam, as the religion embraced by the majority of Indonesia's population, certainly greatly influences the lifestyle of the Indonesian nation. In the view of Indonesian society, Islamic law is an important part of religious teachings and Islam is a space for the main expression of religious experience and determines its continuity and historical identity.Keyword. Performance,  Islamic Law, Indonesia.


Author(s):  
María Luz Martínez Alarcón

The number of aforados has been discussed in recent times in Spain. Most authors, after saying that this procedural exception exists only exceptionably in the Comparative Constitucional Law, request a substantial decrease of its figure in our country. However, this research of Comparative Constitutional Law reveals that the aforamiento is usual in relation to the Head of State and the Government members in the European constitutionalism. By contrast, the parliamentary aforamiento is an exceptional situation. Anyway, the Comparative Constitutional Law, although useful, should not be decisive in order to take decision about the future of this privilege in our country. In this regard, it is absolutely necessary to take into account its objectives and the causational and proportionately relationship between the adopted measure (aforamiento)and the achievement of those objectives in the political, institutional and social context of the specific country. And the truth is that the arguments to justify this institution, an exception to the principle of equality, are certainly weak.El número de aforados en nuestro país ha sido objeto de una fuerte polémica en los últimos tiempos en España. La mayoría, tras afirmar que esta institución se prevé de forma absolutamente excepcional en los países con los que compartimos una tradición jurídica común, solicita una reducción sustancial de esta cifra. Sin embargo, este análisis de derecho constitucional comparado revela que el aforamiento es una práctica habitual con relación a los Jefes de Estado (en el marco de una responsabilidad, eso sí, muy limitada) y a los miembros de Gobierno en el constitucionalismo europeo. Sí que es excepcional, sin embargo, el aforamiento parlamentario. En todo caso, el recurso al derecho comparado, aunque útil, no debe ser el elemento decisivo en la decisión sobre el futuro de esta institución en nuestro país. En este sentido resulta inexcusable tomar en consideración los fines pretendidos por la misma y la relación de causalidad y proporcionalidad existente entre su previsión y la consecución de dichos fines en el marco político, institucional y social del país de referencia en el que se inserta. Y lo cierto es que los fundamentos para justificar su presencia en nuestro país son un tanto endebles para conducir, como conducen, a limitar el principio de igualdad ante la ley.


2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 267-281
Author(s):  
G. Sujatha

This article attempts to investigate the relationship between the domestic and the politics in the modern Tamil subjectivity constitution during the period spanning from the 1940s to the 1960s. More specifically, it takes up the political discourse of C. N. Annadurai—a significant founding member of the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) and a man who played a decisive role in shaping the culture and politics of the state—and attempts to examine the spatial tension, that is, the fusion and commonalities between the domestic sphere and political space in modern Tamil subjectivity construction and the implications it had for gender.


2020 ◽  
Vol 47 (1) ◽  
pp. 19-38
Author(s):  
Felix Berenskötter ◽  
Nicola Nymalm

AbstractThis article revisits and revives the concept of ‘the Stranger’ in theorising international relations by discussing how this figure appears and what role it plays in the politics of (collective) identity. It shows that this concept is central to poststructuralist logic discussing the political production of discourses of danger and to scholarship on ontological security but remains subdued in their analytical narratives. Making the concept of the Stranger explicit is important, we argue, because it directs attention to ambivalence as a source of anxiety and grasps the unsettling experiences that political strategies of conquest or conversion, including practices of securitisation, respond to. Against this backdrop, the article provides a nuanced reading of the Stanger as a form of otherness that captures ambiguity as a threat to modern conceptions of identity, and outlines three scenarios of how it may be encountered in interstate relations: the phenomenon of ‘rising powers’ from the perspective of the hegemon, the dissolution of enmity (overcoming an antagonistic relationship), and the dissolution of friendship (close allies drifting apart). Aware that recovering the concept is not simply an academic exercise but may feed into how the term is used in political discourse and how practitioners deal with ‘strange encounters’, we conclude by pointing to alternative readings of the Stranger/strangeness and the value of doing so.


2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ummu Salamah ◽  
Reinaldo Rianto

Abstract: The Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia Year 1945 Article 29, paragraph 1 explains that "the State based on Almighty God". Normative-juridical provision has given legitimacy to the formalization of Islamic law for transformative integrated in the political system and constitutional law in Indonesia. Internalization of Islamic law into the legislation at the local level has opened the scope of the spirit of autonomy granted by the regions both general and specific. This spirit also later brings their initiative to roll Regional Regulation nuances of Islamic law, which of course raises the pros and cons in the community.Keywords: Legislation, Autonomous Region, FormalizationAbstrak: Undang-Undang Dasar Negara Republik Indonesia Tahun 1945 pasal 29 ayat 1 menjelaskan bahwa “Negara berdasarkan atas Ketuhanan Yang Maha Esa”. Ketentuan normatif-yuridis ini telah memberikan legitimasi bagi formalisasi hukum Islam untuk terintegrasi secara transformatif dalam sistem politik dan hukum ketatanegaraan Indonesia. Internalisasi hukum Islam ke dalam peraturan perundang-undangan di tingkat daerah telah membuka ruang adanya semangat otonomi yang diberikan oleh daerah-daerah baik yang umum dan khusus. Semangat ini pula yang kemudian melahirkan adanya inisiatif untuk menggulirkan Peraturan Daerah bernuansa syariat Islam, yang tentunya menimbulkan pro dan kontra di tengah kalangan masyarakat.Kata Kunci: Perda, Otonomi Daerah, Formalisasi


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