The primacy of patrimony: kinship strategies of the political elite of Turin in the late Middle Ages (1340–1490)

2017 ◽  
Vol 32 (3) ◽  
pp. 293-321 ◽  
Author(s):  
MARTA GRAVELA

ABSTRACTCombining family history and the analysis of political elites, this article explores the development of the urban elite of Turin (Piedmont) in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, through an analysis of the transformations in the kinships forming the ruling class, with particular regard to their structures and strategies for social and economic reproduction. The deep changes that affected this group and eventually led to its extinction and replacement by a new elite are addressed. It is argued that, alongside institutional rearrangements determined by the Dukes of Savoy, the inheritance strategies pursued by the kinships in order to preserve their economic and political role played a crucial part in their demise.

Urban History ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 47 (4) ◽  
pp. 568-588
Author(s):  
Frederik Buylaert ◽  
Jelten Baguet ◽  
Janna Everaert

AbstractThis article provides a comparative analysis of four large towns in the Southern Low Countries between c. 1350 and c. 1550. Combining the data on Ghent, Bruges and Antwerp – each of which is discussed in greater detail in the articles in this special section – with recent research on Bruges, the authors argue against the historiographical trend in which the political history of late medieval towns is supposedly dominated by a trend towards oligarchy. Rather than a closure of the ruling class, the four towns show a high turnover in the social composition of the political elite, and a consistent trend towards aristocracy, in which an increasingly large number of aldermen enjoyed noble status. The intensity of these trends differed from town to town, and was tied to different institutional configurations as well as different economic and political developments in each of the four towns.


Author(s):  
Juan Antonio Prieto Sayagués

Durante la Baja Edad Media, varios miembros de las élites de poder tomaron el hábito y profesaron en algún monasterio, aunque en número inferior a las mujeres. Se analizan sus motivaciones desde un punto de vista socioeconómico –viudedad, invalidez, bastardía, vasallaje a los patronos y reajustes patrimoniales– y político –contactos previos con la corte–. Se abordan las dinámicas en la profesión de los diferentes estamentos: los oficiales y miembros del entorno de la corte, la alta nobleza y las oligarquías urbanas. Algunos de ellos hicieron carrera eclesiástica dentro de la orden a la que pertenecían o en la clerecía secular, como obispos y arzobispos; esto último, unido a que los religiosos recibieron privilegios y donaciones de la familia real y de la nobleza, dio lugar, además de aumentar las diferencias sociales entre los profesos, al surgimiento de conflictos por las dotes y los bienes donados.AbstractDuring the late Middle Ages, many male members of the political elite took the habit and were professed at a monastery, though to a much lesser extent than women. Their motivations are examined from a socioeconomic perspective (widowhood, disability, bastardy, vassalage to patrons, and changes in wealth) and from a political point of view (previous contacts with the king’s court). We will address the dynamics in the profession of the different estates: the officers and members of the court, the higher nobility and the urban oligarchies. Some of these men attained the dignity of bishop and archbishop while being in a religious order, or as members of the secular clergy. This situation, together with the fact that certain members of the clergy received privileges and donations from the royal family and the nobility, led to an increase in social differences among the clergy, and to conflicts due to dowries and donations.


Author(s):  
Joanna Karczewska ◽  
Dariusz Karczewski

The gord of Szarlej is located on a small peninsula on the south-western coast of Lake Szarlej at the mouth of the river Noteć. Gopło - a ribbon lake – reached that far in the late Middle Ages. The gord of Szarlej was established in the last decade of the first half of the 14th century on the initiative of Kazimierz Ziemomysłowic, a Kuyavian prince and the lord of Gniewkowo, or alternatively by his son and successor, Władysław the White. The gord in Szarlej was built following destruction of the previous ducal residence in Gniewkowo during an invasion of the Teutonic Knights in 1332. The stronghold was a favourite residence of Władysław the White, prince of Gniewkowo until 1363 when he placed a lien against it to Kazimierz the Great, king of Poland. Most probably, after 1382 another ruler of Kuyavia, prince Vladislav II of Opole, handed over the stronghold in Szarlej to the affluent Kuyavian Ostoja family. The first nobility owner of the Szarlej estate (encompassing the stronghold, the villages, Łojewo, Witowy and Karczyn), confirmed in the sources, was Mikołaj of Ściborze (†1457). He was a member of the political elite of late-medieval Kuyavia.


2017 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 819
Author(s):  
Durmuş Ali Arslan ◽  
Ahmet Çağrıcı ◽  
Mustafa Albayrak

Political parties and political elites are the basic elements of the democratic system. These two political and social phenomena play a decisive role in shaping the political and social structure of the country as well as in the shaping of individual political attitudes and behaviour. The most common forms of social political organization in contemporary societies are political parties. In this respect, political parties can be shortly defined as political organizations organized around the ideal of playing a decisive role in political and social life and whose ultimate goals are to reach power. In democratic societies, political parties are the most important means of political socialization and participation in the political process.In the western societies, the elite word that has been used in daily life since the 17th century. Its sociological meaning is rather different than daily life meaning. In essence, the elite can be defined as individuals who have institutional power, are in a position to control social resources, have the ability to directly or indirectly influence the decision-making process, and can fulfill their wishes and objectives in spite of their opponents. There are many elite groups in society. Political elites also form one of the most active elite groups in the social structure. Deputies and political leaders are also the most basic components of this elite group.The Democratic Party is one of the most important political parties of Turkish political life. This party holds the privilege of being the most important representative of the right of center-right politics in Turkey; Adnan Menderes also has a privileged political identity in Turkey as being the most important leader of the center-right politics tradition. Even the Democratic Party is regarded as a representative of the transition to multi-party political life in Turkey. The Democratic Party, legendary leader Adnan Menderes and the Democratic Party MPs, identified with the name party, have not only remained the pioneers of multi-party democratic life in the country; With the transition to multi-party life, they have played a decisive role in Turkey's change process and in the social and political life of the country.The Democratic Party as a political institution and Adnan Menderes, a political elite-leader have to be well known in order to understand and explain the political-social change and transformation that Turkey has experienced since about three quarters of a century. It was aimed to sociologically examine Adnan Menderes as an important political leader and political elite, and the Democratic Party, one of the most important political institutions of Turkish political life, from a historical perspective. The research is mainly designed as a descriptive sociological study type. ÖzetSiyasi partiler ve siyasi elitler, demokratik sistemin en temel unsurlarındandır. Bu iki siyasal ve toplumsal olgu, bireylerin siyasi tutum ve davranışlarının şekillenmesinde de olduğu kadar ülkenin siyasi ve toplumsal yapısının şekillenmesinde de belirleyici rol oynar. Günümüz toplumlarında en yaygın toplumsal siyasal örgütlenme biçimi siyasi partilerdir. Bu yönüyle siyasi partiler kısaca, siyasal ve toplumsal hayatta belirleyici rol oynamak ideali etrafında örgütlenmiş ve nihai hedefleri iktidara ulaşmak olan siyasi örgütler olarak tanımlanabilir. Demokratik toplumlarda siyasi partiler, en önemli siyasi sosyalizasyon ve siyasal sürece katılım araçlarıdır.Batı toplumlarında, 17. yüzyıldan bu yana günlük dilde kullanılmaya başlanan elit sözcüğü ise sosyolojik olarak günlük dilde kullanıldığında daha farklı anlam ifade eder. Çok öz olarak elit, kurumsal iktidara sahip, toplumsal kaynakları kontrol edebilecek konumda bulunan, karar verme sürecini doğrudan veya dolayı olarak ciddi bir şekilde etkileme yeteneğine sahip, karşıtlarına rağmen istek ve amaçlarını gerçekleştirebilen birey(ler) olarak tanımlanabilir. Toplumda çok sayıda elit grubu vardır. Siyasi elitler de toplumsal yapı içindeki, en etkin elit gruplarından birini oluştururlar. Milletvekilleri ve siyasi liderler de bu elit grubunun en temel bileşenlerini oluştururlar.Demokrat Parti (DP), Türk siyasal hayatının en önemli siyasi partilerinden biri konumundadır. Bu parti Türkiye’de merkez sağ siyaset geleneğinin, Cumhuriyet döneminde ilk ve önemli temsilcisi olma ayrıcalığını elinden tutarken; lideri Türkiye’de merkez sağ siyaset geleneğini temsil eden önemli bir siyasal elittir. Dahası Demokrat Parti, Türkiye’de çok partili siyasi yaşama geçişin temsilcisi olarak da kabul edilir. Demokrat Parti, ismi partisi ile özdeşleşmiş efsanevi lideri Adnan Menderes ve Demokrat Parti milletvekilleri, yalnızca ülkede çok partili demokratik hayatın öncü isimleri olmakla kalmamışlar; çok partili yaşama geçişle birlikte Türkiye’nin değişim sürecine yön vermiş ve ülkenin toplumsal-siyasal hayatında belirleyici rol oynamışlardır.Bir siyasal kurum olarak Demokrat Parti’yi ve bir siyasi elit-lider olarak Adnan Menderes’i iyi anlamadan, Türkiye’nin yaklaşık üççeyrek asırdan beridir yaşadığı siyasal - toplumsal değişim ve dönüşümü anlamlandırmak ve açıklamak mümkün değildir. Bu realiteden yola çıkarak çalışmada, önemli bir siyasi lider ve bir siyasi elit olarak Adnan Menderes ile Türk siyasal yaşamının önemli siyasi kurumlarından biri olan Demokrat Parti’nin, tarihsel bir perspektiften, sosyolojik olarak incelenmesi hedeflenmiştir. Araştırma ağırlıklı olarak betimleyici - deskriptif bir sosyolojik çalışma türünde tasarlanmıştır.


2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 8-24
Author(s):  
А. V. Marey

The author considers the evolution of the concept “people” in the political philosophy of Thomas Hobbes, Samuel Pufendorf and Benedict Spinoza. The political thought of Europe in the 17th century demonstrates a conscious turn from the medieval scholastic tradition of thinking about people and power. Politics begins to be thought of as a complex of human ac­tions aimed at achieving certain human goals. This, in turn, leads to the rationalisation of politics and, as a consequence, to the rejection of one of the most powerful mystical and theo­logical abstractions of the late Middle Ages — the concept “people” as a kind of mystical body. Protestant science makes a clear choice in favour of interpreting the concept as an “arti­ficial person”. The author emphasizes that the introduction of the concept “natural state” led to changes in the ontological status of people in political theory. The concept “people” becomes “a flickering subject” that appears during the transition from a natural state to a civil one and disappears when the transition goes in the opposite direction. In a civil state, people become an active subject when they perform the function of the legislator. In other cases, people as a political subject transform into a certain multitude, consisting of separate individuals.


Author(s):  
Francesco Ammannati

The research aimed at bringing new data to the study of inequality in the distribution of wealth in the long run using the fiscal documentation available to many communities of the Marches region over a period covering the late Middle Ages and the full modern age. The political-administrative history of this territory, progressively incorporated into the Papal State, was reflected in an evolution of the methodologies for assessing wealth for tax purposes. Their characteristics have been carefully taken into account and criticized in order to ensure compatibility in time and space. Land registers, “estimi”, "libre", as well as books of “collette”, will be used to describe the fiscal capacity of taxpayers enrolled in these registers and to estimate the dynamics of economic inequality.


2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Siti Mahmudah

Abstract. This study examines the origin,  existence, and development of Islamism group in Indonesia since pre-independence until now. Islamism is a group of Muslims who are obedient to the teachings of Islam, but they are very extreme, literal,  static and rigid in understanding the teachings of Islam (Alquran), and reject to the other Muslims who disagree with Islamic ideology that they have embraced. The group of Islamism existed and emerged in Indonesia, it was not apart from the influence of the spread of Islamic teachings from al-Ikhwan al-Muslimun that was founded by Hasan al-Banna in Egypt in 1928. The group of Islamism was the first Muslim group before the other Muslim groups in Indonesia; such as the Pos-Islamism group, the Liberal Islam Group, the Moderate Islamic Group, the Progressive Islam Group. The group of Islamism in Indonesia—as al-Ikhwan al-Muslimun in Egypt who aspires to spread the ideology of Islam for all of the world—seeks  to spread  their ideology with the movement of "creeping up" for all of the area in Indonesian, since before independence until now. Islamist groups succeeded in spreading Islam and Sharia through mosques, schools, ta'lim majlis. The existence and development of Islamist groups in Indonesia today are flattered. They have very much support from the political elite. However, they are not aware that their hands are being borrowed or exploited by political elites to seize or get the  power in irrational ways. Keywords: Islamism, Emergence, Existence, Development, Indonesia. Abstrak. Studi ini membahas tentang asal usul, eksistensi dan perkembangan kelompok Islamisme di Indonesia sejak pra-kemerdekaan sampai sekarang. Kelompok Islamisme adalah kumpulan Muslim yang patuh terhadap ajaran Islam, namun mereka sangat ekstrem, literal, statis dan kaku dalam memahami ajaran Islam (Alquran), serta menolak golongan Muslim lain yang berbeda dengan faham Islam yang sudah mereka anut. Kelompok Islamisme ada dan muncul di Indonesia tidak terlepas dari pengaruh penyebaran ajaran Islam ala  al-Ikhwan al-Muslimun yang didirikan oleh Hasan al-Banna di Mesir pada tahun 1928. Kelompok Islamisme merupakan kelompok Muslim yang pertama ada sebelum adanya kelompok-kelompok Muslim lain di Indonesia; seperti kelompok Pos-Islamisme, Kelompok Islam Liberal, Kelompok Islam Moderat, Kelompok Islam Progresif. Kelompok Islamisme di Indonesia –sebagaimana al-Ikhwan al-Muslimun di Mesir yang bercita-cita menyebarkan faham berislam ke seluruh dunia—berupaya menyebarkan paham Islamisme dengan gerakan “merayap” ke seluruh bumi Indonesia sejak sebelum Indonesia merdeka sampai sekarang. Kelompok Islamisme berhasil menyebarkan faham Islam dan Syariah melalui, antara lain:  masjid-masjid, sekolah-sekolah, majelis-majelis taklim. Eksistensi dan perkembangan kelompok-kelompok Islamisme di Indonesia zaman ini sedang merasa tersanjung, karena banyak mendapat dukungan dari para elit politik. Namun sebaliknya, mereka tidak sadar bahwa tangan-tangan mereka sedang dipinjam atau pun dimanfaatkan oleh para elit politik untuk merebut atau pun mendapatkan sebuah kekuasaan dengan cara-cara yang tidak rasional. Kata Kunci: Islamisme, Eksistensi, Kemunculan,  Perkembangan, Indonesia.


Author(s):  
A. I. Podberezkin ◽  
M. V. Kharkevich

Abstract: The article discusses the trend of securitization of the political elite as a reaction to strengthening of coercive influence upon these elites in terms of consolidation and strengthening of confrontation between different civilizations. The authors argue that the main object of the coercive influence in world politics, which ensures stable control of regime change and a managed transit is the political elite rather than civil society. The assumption then is that the main object of the security and the securitization in world politics is to be political elite. Securitization of the political elite can be seen as a necessary condition for ensuring the sovereignty at the level of local human civilization. The conclusion of this paper is, first, the assessment of the political elite as the main object of securitization in a clash of civilizations. Secondly, the removal of contradictions between the securitization of political elites and democracy at the scale of human civilizations; third, underlining the need to take into account the vital importance of the political elite in the strategic planning and development of long-term forecasting of international relations development.


Author(s):  
Yu. V. Kobets ◽  
T. B. Madryha

During the period of complexity of systemic reforms in modern Ukraine, the big importance of the qualities and actions of the political elite become on the first hand. Еhe ability to fulfill urgent tasks of democratic arrangement of different spheres of social life depends on these qualities and actions of the political elite. The article analyzes the problem of the quality of the political elite in Ukraine. The article proves the importance of forming a professional, effective, active, qualitative elite in the conditions of state building. The basic ideas of the founders of elitology are described, the content of the concepts "elite", "establishment", "political class" is revealed. The conclusions about the main stages of formation of political elites in Ukraine are made. It is proved that the process of forming a truly leading elite group is underway, which can unite the political, economic and cultural revival of our state.


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