QUALITY OF POLITICAL ELITE OF UKRAINE IN THE CONTEX OF DEMOCRATIC CHANGES

Author(s):  
Yu. V. Kobets ◽  
T. B. Madryha

During the period of complexity of systemic reforms in modern Ukraine, the big importance of the qualities and actions of the political elite become on the first hand. Еhe ability to fulfill urgent tasks of democratic arrangement of different spheres of social life depends on these qualities and actions of the political elite. The article analyzes the problem of the quality of the political elite in Ukraine. The article proves the importance of forming a professional, effective, active, qualitative elite in the conditions of state building. The basic ideas of the founders of elitology are described, the content of the concepts "elite", "establishment", "political class" is revealed. The conclusions about the main stages of formation of political elites in Ukraine are made. It is proved that the process of forming a truly leading elite group is underway, which can unite the political, economic and cultural revival of our state.

Author(s):  
Pavel L. Karabushenko ◽  
Sergei A. Vorontsov ◽  
Alexander V. Ponedelkov ◽  
Irena V. Lebedeva

Вышедшая в октябре 2015 г. книга скандально известного германского журналиста Удо Ульфкотте была призвана наглядно объяснить, почему Германия принимает так много мигрантов и к чему политика ныне правящей в ФРГ политической элиты может привести эту страну и весь Евросоюз в будущем. По мнению автора книги, современные мигранты представляют собой угрозу национальной безопасности, поскольку несут с собой разрушение привычной среды, традиций, устоев. Именно в этой непродуманной политике «открытых дверей» германские элиты демонстрируют свою профессиональную некомпетентность и непонимание происходящих глобальных процессов современности. Политические элиты коллективного Запада вступили в очередную историческую эпоху своего кризиса, который всё больше приобретает системный характер. В последнее время экспертами отмечается, что мир явно вступает в эпоху кардинального пересмотра существующих ценностей и норм. И эта «революция смыслов» начинается именно с анализа правящих элитарных сообществ, их роли в текущих политических событиях и в целях планируемых действий. В настоящей работе даётся анализ одной из таких экспертных оценок, предупреждающих власти о надвигающемся на них системном кризисе качества их профессиональной компетенции. Published in October 2015, the book by the infamous German journalist Udo Ulfkotte was intended to clearly explain why Germany accepts so many migrants and where the policy of the current ruling political elite in Germany can lead this country and the entire European Union in the future. According to the author of the book, modern migrants pose a threat to the national security, since they bring with them the destruction of the familiar environment, traditions, and foundations. It is in this unproven policy of "open doors" that the German elites demonstrate their professional incompetence and lack of understanding of the ongoing global processes of modernity. The political elites of the collective West have entered another historical era of their crisis which is becoming more and more systemic. In recent years experts have noted that the world is clearly entering the era of a fundamental review of existing values and norms. And this "revolution of meanings" begins precisely with the analysis of the ruling elite communities, their role in current political events and for the purposes of planned actions. This paper analyzes one of these expert assessments that warn the authorities about the impending systemic crisis in the quality of their professional competence.


nauka.me ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 8
Author(s):  
Alena Ermolaeva

The article considers the characteristics of the effectiveness of the political elite, which is expressed in the degree of openness of the elite rotation, its qualitative and quantitative renewal; the level of achievement of short-term and long-term goals; external and internal consolidation; political, economic and social stability; the legitimacy and legality of the ruling elite. Based on this it was argued that the political elite must be effective, otherwise it will completely lose its elite status. The degree of effectiveness of political elites in modern Russia was also analysed, as a result of which the conclusion was made that the modern Russian elite is effective only within the framework of the existing regime, but if it changes, the elite turns out to be ineffective, since the consolidation is based on the national leader with whose departure the system can undergo significant metamorphosis.


2021 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 39-51
Author(s):  
Revekka Vulfovich ◽  

The article considers the risks of amendments to the basic law of the state, which are associated with the inability to accurately predict political and managerial problems arising in the new constitutional context. An analysis is conducted of the changes in constitutions as the basis of the political, economic, and social life of the societies that are bifurcation points from which development can proceed in various directions. This creates risks at the stages of formation and functioning of complex public systems of authority, whose work greatly influences the creation of an optimal quality of life as the criterion of the basic goal of a modern democratic state. The analysis is comprised of factors that affect the reduction or levelling of such risks, or increase the possible of their occurrence. A developed democratic political culture and a high degree of public readiness for radical changes in the foundations of the political system (for example, France after World War II) are identified as factors that positively affect the state system, and excessive haste in decision making and lack of broad public fundamental changes discussion (for example, Germany in the early 90-ies of the last century) are identified as factors that negatively affect the social integration of society and the achievement of uniformity in the quality of life on the territory of the state. Both examples demonstrate in the Russian context the need to balance state policy in the process of implementing political decisions that led to amendments to the Constitution of the Russian Federation in 2020.


Urban History ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 47 (4) ◽  
pp. 568-588
Author(s):  
Frederik Buylaert ◽  
Jelten Baguet ◽  
Janna Everaert

AbstractThis article provides a comparative analysis of four large towns in the Southern Low Countries between c. 1350 and c. 1550. Combining the data on Ghent, Bruges and Antwerp – each of which is discussed in greater detail in the articles in this special section – with recent research on Bruges, the authors argue against the historiographical trend in which the political history of late medieval towns is supposedly dominated by a trend towards oligarchy. Rather than a closure of the ruling class, the four towns show a high turnover in the social composition of the political elite, and a consistent trend towards aristocracy, in which an increasingly large number of aldermen enjoyed noble status. The intensity of these trends differed from town to town, and was tied to different institutional configurations as well as different economic and political developments in each of the four towns.


Harmoni ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 218-240
Author(s):  
M. Alie Humaedi

The relationship between Islam and Christianity in various regions is often confronted with situations caused by external factors. They no longer debate the theological aspect, but are based on the political economy and social culture aspects. In the Dieng village, the economic resources are mostly dominated by Christians as early Christianized product as the process of Kiai Sadrach's chronicle. Economic mastery was not originally as the main trigger of the conflict. However, as the political map post 1965, in which many Muslims affiliated to the Indonesian Communist Party convert to Christianity, the relationship between Islam and Christianity is heating up. The question of the dominance of political economic resources of Christians is questionable. This research to explore the socio cultural and religious impact of the conversion of PKI to Christian in rural Dieng and Slamet Pekalongan and Banjarnegara. This qualitative research data was extracted by in-depth interviews, observations and supported by data from Dutch archives, National Archives and Christian Synod of Salatiga. Research has found the conversion of the PKI to Christianity has sparked hostility and deepened the social relations of Muslims and Christians in Kasimpar, Petungkriono and Karangkobar. The culprit widened by involving the network of Wonopringgo Islamic Boarding. It is often seen that existing conflicts are no longer latent, but lead to a form of manifest conflict that decomposes in the practice of social life.


2011 ◽  
Vol 25 (3) ◽  
pp. 257-274
Author(s):  
Wang Guo

Reviewing the last decade of Chinese-language scholarship on the 1911 Revolution, this article suggests that we should view the Revolution in richer ways, rather than simply focusing on the political event on 10 October 1911. By contextualizing the revolution in its world, this article argues that it is necessary to view 1911 in its own terms and in global perspective in order to articulate historical continuities and discontinuities beyond 1911. How did, does, and will the spirit of modern revolution function and reshape the mental landscape in China’s past, present, and future? The revolution is considered here to be not only a transhistorical source of transformation but also part of the restructuring of social life and ideals. Revolution has become the ontological ground of China’s modern society. The meaning of the spirit of revolution lay in providing the Chinese people with a space of hope, where they could transcend current disappointment and discontent, and pursue political, economic, and cultural visions to fundamentally change their world. For individuals, revolution offered a means of meeting personal needs; for the nation, the revolution has meant the unending pursuit of ‘standing up, enriching up, and strengthening up’.


1992 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 113-124 ◽  
Author(s):  
Meredith Minkler ◽  
Thomas R. Cole

The authors develop E. P. Thompson's concept of moral economy as a useful complement to contemporary political economic analysis in problem areas involving moral conflict. Defined as the shared assumptions underlying norms of reciprocity in which an economic system is grounded, moral economy is seen as holding particular relevance for the study of aging. The evolution of pension systems, the “senior revolt” against catastrophic coverage in the United States, and debates over the allocation of health resources between generations are used to illustrate the utility of a combined political and moral economy for enriching our understanding in these areas. Marx's concept of a “morality of emancipation” is described as holding particular promise for the development of a new moral economy of old age that would move beyond alienation by giving broad attention to quality of life issues at each stage of the life course.


1975 ◽  
Vol 10 (4) ◽  
pp. 397-414 ◽  
Author(s):  
K. Z. Paltiel

ANALYSTS OF THE ISRAELI POLITICAL SYSTEM HAVE COMMONLY attributed the stability of the polity to factors closely associated with the role played by the various Israeli parties in the state's economic and social life, and/or to the existence of a dominant, institutionalized state-building party. The consociational approach ought to help to clarify those factors which have maintained the stability of the coalition system which has governed the state of Israel since its establishment in 1948 and whose roots may be traced back as far as 1933 and even earlier.The consociational model and the theory of elite accommodation have been elaborated in an effort to explain the maintenance of continuing political stability in what at first glance would appear to be societies deeply divided along social, economic, ethnic, religious and ideological lines. Political stability in fragmented societies from this standpoint rests on the overarching commitment of the political elites to the preservation and maintenance of the system and their readiness to cooperate to this end.


2017 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 819
Author(s):  
Durmuş Ali Arslan ◽  
Ahmet Çağrıcı ◽  
Mustafa Albayrak

Political parties and political elites are the basic elements of the democratic system. These two political and social phenomena play a decisive role in shaping the political and social structure of the country as well as in the shaping of individual political attitudes and behaviour. The most common forms of social political organization in contemporary societies are political parties. In this respect, political parties can be shortly defined as political organizations organized around the ideal of playing a decisive role in political and social life and whose ultimate goals are to reach power. In democratic societies, political parties are the most important means of political socialization and participation in the political process.In the western societies, the elite word that has been used in daily life since the 17th century. Its sociological meaning is rather different than daily life meaning. In essence, the elite can be defined as individuals who have institutional power, are in a position to control social resources, have the ability to directly or indirectly influence the decision-making process, and can fulfill their wishes and objectives in spite of their opponents. There are many elite groups in society. Political elites also form one of the most active elite groups in the social structure. Deputies and political leaders are also the most basic components of this elite group.The Democratic Party is one of the most important political parties of Turkish political life. This party holds the privilege of being the most important representative of the right of center-right politics in Turkey; Adnan Menderes also has a privileged political identity in Turkey as being the most important leader of the center-right politics tradition. Even the Democratic Party is regarded as a representative of the transition to multi-party political life in Turkey. The Democratic Party, legendary leader Adnan Menderes and the Democratic Party MPs, identified with the name party, have not only remained the pioneers of multi-party democratic life in the country; With the transition to multi-party life, they have played a decisive role in Turkey's change process and in the social and political life of the country.The Democratic Party as a political institution and Adnan Menderes, a political elite-leader have to be well known in order to understand and explain the political-social change and transformation that Turkey has experienced since about three quarters of a century. It was aimed to sociologically examine Adnan Menderes as an important political leader and political elite, and the Democratic Party, one of the most important political institutions of Turkish political life, from a historical perspective. The research is mainly designed as a descriptive sociological study type. ÖzetSiyasi partiler ve siyasi elitler, demokratik sistemin en temel unsurlarındandır. Bu iki siyasal ve toplumsal olgu, bireylerin siyasi tutum ve davranışlarının şekillenmesinde de olduğu kadar ülkenin siyasi ve toplumsal yapısının şekillenmesinde de belirleyici rol oynar. Günümüz toplumlarında en yaygın toplumsal siyasal örgütlenme biçimi siyasi partilerdir. Bu yönüyle siyasi partiler kısaca, siyasal ve toplumsal hayatta belirleyici rol oynamak ideali etrafında örgütlenmiş ve nihai hedefleri iktidara ulaşmak olan siyasi örgütler olarak tanımlanabilir. Demokratik toplumlarda siyasi partiler, en önemli siyasi sosyalizasyon ve siyasal sürece katılım araçlarıdır.Batı toplumlarında, 17. yüzyıldan bu yana günlük dilde kullanılmaya başlanan elit sözcüğü ise sosyolojik olarak günlük dilde kullanıldığında daha farklı anlam ifade eder. Çok öz olarak elit, kurumsal iktidara sahip, toplumsal kaynakları kontrol edebilecek konumda bulunan, karar verme sürecini doğrudan veya dolayı olarak ciddi bir şekilde etkileme yeteneğine sahip, karşıtlarına rağmen istek ve amaçlarını gerçekleştirebilen birey(ler) olarak tanımlanabilir. Toplumda çok sayıda elit grubu vardır. Siyasi elitler de toplumsal yapı içindeki, en etkin elit gruplarından birini oluştururlar. Milletvekilleri ve siyasi liderler de bu elit grubunun en temel bileşenlerini oluştururlar.Demokrat Parti (DP), Türk siyasal hayatının en önemli siyasi partilerinden biri konumundadır. Bu parti Türkiye’de merkez sağ siyaset geleneğinin, Cumhuriyet döneminde ilk ve önemli temsilcisi olma ayrıcalığını elinden tutarken; lideri Türkiye’de merkez sağ siyaset geleneğini temsil eden önemli bir siyasal elittir. Dahası Demokrat Parti, Türkiye’de çok partili siyasi yaşama geçişin temsilcisi olarak da kabul edilir. Demokrat Parti, ismi partisi ile özdeşleşmiş efsanevi lideri Adnan Menderes ve Demokrat Parti milletvekilleri, yalnızca ülkede çok partili demokratik hayatın öncü isimleri olmakla kalmamışlar; çok partili yaşama geçişle birlikte Türkiye’nin değişim sürecine yön vermiş ve ülkenin toplumsal-siyasal hayatında belirleyici rol oynamışlardır.Bir siyasal kurum olarak Demokrat Parti’yi ve bir siyasi elit-lider olarak Adnan Menderes’i iyi anlamadan, Türkiye’nin yaklaşık üççeyrek asırdan beridir yaşadığı siyasal - toplumsal değişim ve dönüşümü anlamlandırmak ve açıklamak mümkün değildir. Bu realiteden yola çıkarak çalışmada, önemli bir siyasi lider ve bir siyasi elit olarak Adnan Menderes ile Türk siyasal yaşamının önemli siyasi kurumlarından biri olan Demokrat Parti’nin, tarihsel bir perspektiften, sosyolojik olarak incelenmesi hedeflenmiştir. Araştırma ağırlıklı olarak betimleyici - deskriptif bir sosyolojik çalışma türünde tasarlanmıştır.


Author(s):  
Ešref Kenan Rašidagić

Since Bosnia and Herzegovina’s declaration of independence in 1995, its path has been a rocky one. Unwillingness by the international community to stand by the central government and stand in the way of the neighboring states of Serbia and Croatia’s territorial pretensions, produced a succession of ceasefire agreements, culminating in the final, Dayton Peace Agreement. Each of these agreements espoused the ethnic principle as the guiding philosophy for the organization of the state. The post-war period demonstrates that despite the passage of time, the principle of organization of multi-ethnic state along ethnic lines presents a stumbling block to the functioning of the political, economic and social life in the country. The political history of post-independence Bosnia and Herzegovina (B&H) therefore reads as a history of protracted political paralysis, with no hope of rectifying the problems without another forceful intervention of the international community.


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