Autonomy, even Regional Hegemony: Argentina and the “Hard Way” toward Its First Research Reactor (1945–1958)

2005 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 285-308 ◽  
Author(s):  
Diego Hurtado de Mendoza
Keyword(s):  
Nuclear Reactor ◽  
Atomic Energy Commission ◽  
Atomic Energy ◽  
The Political ◽  
Institutional Conditions ◽  
Nuclear Development ◽  
Research Nuclear Reactor ◽  
And Control ◽  
The Military ◽  
The Relationship

In the mid-1940s, Argentina was partially isolated and ruled by a military regime. The political confrontation between the military and the scientific community as well as international pressures played a major role in the failure of the first attempts to cope with nuclear development. Only after the relationship between the military and local scientists was readjusted and control of atomic energy was placed in the hands of the Navy, and Argentina's international relations restored, did nuclear development begin to take off. This paper examines the traumatic process of creating the political and institutional conditions for the reception of nuclear technology in a peripheral context. The key to shaping future policies was the decision made by Argentina's Atomic Energy Commission in April 1957 to construct its first research nuclear reactor instead of buying it as other countries such as Spain and Brazil were doing at the time.

Advising on the Super

Super Bomb ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 40-54
Author(s):  
Ken Young ◽  
Warner R. Schilling
Keyword(s):  
Advisory Committee ◽  
Atomic Energy Commission ◽  
Theoretical Work ◽  
Atomic Energy ◽  
Los Alamos ◽  
Privileged Position ◽  
Nuclear Development ◽  
The Military ◽  
Potential Pressure

This chapter looks into the business of campaigning for or against nuclear development. The Atomic Energy Commission (AEC) and its committees were at the epicenter of this debate. Here, the array of advice and potential pressure on the question of the Super as it existed in late 1949 offered no clear direction to the president. Powerful congressional opinion challenged the advice of the most powerfully placed scientists, but that had not yet been sufficient to swing Truman behind the Super's development. His views, however, began to take shape in mid-January after receiving a report on the military aspects. Furthermore, the scientific General Advisory Committee (GAC), chaired by the former Los Alamos laboratory director J. Robert Oppenheimer, enjoyed a privileged position that it used to block, as it seemed, further activity beyond the theoretical work already accomplished at Los Alamos.

In Search of Left/Right Beliefs in the Canadian Electorate

1986 ◽  
Vol 19 (3) ◽  
pp. 541-564 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ronald D. Lambert ◽  
James E. Curtis ◽  
Steven D. Brown ◽  
Barry J. Kay
Keyword(s):  
Rating Scale ◽  
Party Identification ◽  
The Political ◽  
Election Study ◽  
Criterion Group ◽  
National Election Study ◽  
Political Orientations ◽  
Left And Right ◽  
The Military ◽  
The Relationship

AbstractWe report on findings from alternative ways of assessing the meaning given to “left” and “right” by respondents in the 1984 National Election Study. Approximately 40 per cent of the sample supplied definitions of the concepts; in comparison, about 60 per cent stated their feelings toward left-wingers and right-wingers and described their political orientations using a seven-point left/right rating scale. Left signified socialism or communism for about one-half of those who supplied definitions, and dislike for left-wingers seemed to be associated with these conceptions of left. Right, which was much more highly regarded than left, signified conservatism for one-quarter of those who defined the term. We also factor analyzed respondents' self-ratings on the left/right scale along with their answers to 15 attitude statements. Left was weakly associated with support for labour's use of the strike weapon. In a criterion group of respondents who had completed university and who had ventured definitions of left and right, self-ratings correlated with factors tapping attitudes toward the military and toward economic disparity and social welfare. As expected, respondents' ratings of themselves on the left/right scale were more similar to their ratings of their preferred parties than to their ratings of other parties. The relationship between self-ratings and ratings of preferred parties generally varied directly with the strength of party identification. We conclude with some observations about the political utility of political labels such as left and right.

scholarly journals SOVIET MILITARY PERIODICAL PRESS DURING THE RED ARMY’S CAMPAIGN IN EUROPE, MARCH 1944 – MAY 1945: STRUCTURE, NORMS, AND PERSONNEL

2020 ◽  
pp. 100-108
Author(s):  
A. G. Arinov ◽  
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Periodical Press ◽  
Editorial Boards ◽  
Russian State ◽  
War Correspondents ◽  
Red Army ◽  
The Russian Federation ◽  
Civilian Employees ◽  
The Military ◽  
The Relationship

The case of the Soviet military periodicals during the Red Army's campaign in Europe (March 1944 – May 1945) is analyzed in the paper based on the materials from the Central Archives of the Ministry of Defense of the Russian Federation (TsAMO RF) and the Russian State Archive of Socio-Political History (RGASPI). The author analyzes the structure of military periodicals, characterizes the norms established by the Main Political Directorate of the Red Army (GlavPURKKA) regulating the work of military periodicals, and traces the relationship between editorial boards and war correspondents. It is stated that the editorial boards of military periodicals consisted, as a rule, of 27 employees: 19 military personnel and 8 civilian employees. GlavPURKKA controlled the military periodical press. The circulation of military newspapers was determined by the orders of the chief of GlavPURKKA and was repeatedly increased or reduced. The content was controlled by the political administrations of the fronts. GlavPURKKA regulated the main directions of newspapers’ development and revealed shortcomings in the work of editorial boards. Constant supervision by GlavPURKKA and political administrations of the fronts protruded “relations” between editorial boards and war correspondents. The political administrations urged the editorial boards to establish a comprehensive contact with war correspondents and to eliminate the existing shortcomings in working with them. On the whole, the institute of military periodicals was a rather complex “organism” that underwent various changes and improvements throughout the period.

scholarly journals Unintended Securitization

2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 55-71
Author(s):  
Hedva Eyal ◽  
Limor Samimian-Darash
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
The Political ◽  
Medical Aid ◽  
Political Sphere ◽  
Medical Establishment ◽  
Syrian Civil War ◽  
Political Security ◽  
The Military ◽  
The Relationship

In this article, we examine statements by state officials and individuals from the military and the medical establishment regarding the provision of medical aid by Israel to casualties from the Syrian Civil War. We argue discussions of this project have been characterized by three different discourses, each dominant at different times, which we classify as military, medical, and political-security. We propose “unintended securitization” to describe how the project moved from the military into the medical-civilian and then into the political sphere, and came to be seen as advancing the security interests of the Israeli state. We argue the relationship between humanitarianism and securitization seen here challenges the view that humanitarian apparatuses are often subordinated to military rationales by showing how securitization here emerged from the demilitarization of what was initially a military project.

Clausewitz, Die Politik, and the Political Purpose of Strategy

2021 ◽  
pp. 56-72
Author(s):  
Beatrice Heuser
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Military Policy ◽  
Political Purpose ◽  
Narrow Definition ◽  
Military Engagement ◽  
The One ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
The Military ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
New Tradition

Clausewitz’s writings stand in two traditions. On the one hand, with his own very narrow definition of strategy, “Strategy is the use of the [military] engagement for the purpose of the war,” he continued a tradition that goes back to Paul-Gédéon Joly de Maizeroy and beyond him to Byzantine Emperor Leo VI. It is not least because of Clausewitz’s espousal of this tradition that this narrow definition still dominated Soviet thinking. On the other hand, Clausewitz stood in a new tradition reflecting on the relationship between a political purpose of the war itself. This goes back to Guibert, Kant, Rühle von Lilienstern but also a long-forgotten anonymous work probably written by Zanthier. This dwelt on the bureaucratic process of strategy-making in the interface between (politically dominated) foreign policy and (hardware- and means-dominated) military policy. It is ultimately to the latter tradition that we owe his reflections on the domination of political considerations captured in his famous line about war being the continuation of politics by other means. This in turn is the foundation on which most other reflections on grand strategy have been built.

Economic Determinism: A Model of the Political Economy of Medical Care

1973 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 475-485 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eric H. Helt
Keyword(s):  
Medical Care ◽  
Medical System ◽  
Economic Behavior ◽  
The Political ◽  
Medical Care System ◽  
Institutional Conditions ◽  
The People ◽  
Economic Elite ◽  
Central Argument ◽  
The Relationship

Existing economic models of the medical care sector are characterized by unrealistic assumptions concerning (a) the relationship between medical care and health, (b) the economic behavior of both consumers and providers of health care, and (c) the nature of politics in the American culture. The model of the economy of medical care proposed here attempts to correct for these logical and empirical inconsistencies. The central argument is that the medical care system promotes not the health of the people, but instead, economic, political, and cultural inequality for a health profession's and economic elite. When stresses within the medical system threaten the institutional conditions that sustain this inequality, they are reestablished through state-sanctioned collective action.

Atomic Dysfunction

Vulcan ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 37-60
Author(s):  
John M. Curatola
Keyword(s):  
Atomic Energy Commission ◽  
Atomic Energy ◽  
World War ◽  
Standing Up ◽  
Strategic Air Command ◽  
Effective Transfer ◽  
The Military

Following World War II the US believed its atomic monopoly was the primary tool to offset large, standing communist ground forces within the Soviet orbit. However, both the newly established and civilian-run Atomic Energy Commission (AEC) along with the nascent US Air Forces’ Strategic Air Command (SAC) were models of dysfunction. In the late 1940s neither the civilians nor the military were capable of fulfilling the requirements outlined in the envisioned atomic air offensives of the time. Apart from their internal problems, both the AEC and SAC failed to properly coordinate with each other for effective transfer of bomb material, requisite training, and standing up the required number of atomic ordnance assembly teams. As a result, the American atomic monopoly from 1945–1950 was largely a bluff with few men, materials, and resources to serve as the nation’s primary strategic offense.

The Legacies of Patrimonial Patriarchalism

2011 ◽  
Vol 636 (1) ◽  
pp. 69-87 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gwynn Thomas
Keyword(s):  
Political Legitimacy ◽  
Political Rhetoric ◽  
Military Coup ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Leaders ◽  
Salvador Allende ◽  
Ideological Influence ◽  
The Military ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Familial Roles

In Chile, how citizens and political leaders have understood, incorporated, and contested the relationship between the familial and the political has been central to the development of their society. The author examines the ideological influence that familial beliefs had on the process of delegitimizing the presidency of Salvador Allende and legitimizing the military coup through an analysis of political rhetoric surrounding the mobilization of women in the March of the Empty Pots and Pans. The author argues that the march was a pivotal moment in which generalized beliefs about the state’s responsibility for familial welfare, including protecting men’s and women’s familial roles, were transformed into a powerful critique against Allende and his government. The author shows how the arguments put forward by Allende’s opponents drew on embedded beliefs about the relationship between families and politics to frame the emerging debate about the political legitimacy of President Allende.

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