Government Capacity and the Hong Kong Civil Service. By John P. Burns. [Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 2004. xvi+468 pp. ISBN 0-19-590597-0.]

2005 ◽  
Vol 182 ◽  
pp. 453-454
Author(s):  
Melanie Manion

John Burns has written an exhaustively researched and highly important book for scholars with a particular interest in Chinese politics and, more broadly, for the fields of comparative politics and public management. Burns examines the contributions of the civil service to government capacity in Hong Kong. His focus is the crucial post-1997 period, which presents him with a number of interesting analytical issues. First, post-1997 Hong Kong continues to lack the political institutions linking citizen preferences to government policy outcomes. In this context, the civil service takes on enormous political importance: it identifies and proposes solutions to community problems, roles that would be performed by politicians and political parties in a liberal democracy. Secondly, although post-1997 Hong Kong has significant autonomy, it is a local government, essentially subject to the rule of Communist leaders in Beijing. This raises interesting problems of relations between centre and locality. Finally, and not least of all, the Hong Kong economy suffered a significant decline in the late 1990s. This challenged the performancebased legitimacy of the government and placed new pressures on it to reform the civil service to strengthen government capacity. Evaluation of these reforms is an important contribution of this volume.Burns examines the civil service from a public management perspective, both describing policies and analysing actual practices, the latter with the use of interviews, surveys and case studies. In the 1980s and 1990s, Hong Kong government capacity was high. Economic growth was rapid, unemployment was low, and public support for the government was strong, based on apparently successful performance.

Author(s):  
Yuhua Wang ◽  
Bruce J. Dickson

Abstract Authoritarian leaders around the world often fight against corruption in an effort to win public support. Conventional wisdom holds that this strategy works because leaders can signal their benevolent intentions by removing corrupt officials. We argue that fighting against corruption can undermine regime support. By revealing scandals of corrupt officials, corruption investigations can alter citizens' beliefs about public officials and lead to disenchantment about political institutions. We test this argument by examining how China's current anti-corruption campaign has changed citizens' public support for the government and the Communist Party. We analyze the results of two original surveys conducted before and during the campaign, and employ a difference-in-differences strategy to show that corruption investigations, at the margin, suppress respondents' support for the central government and party. We also examine our respondents' prior and posterior beliefs, and the results support our updating mechanism.


2007 ◽  
Vol 40 (12) ◽  
pp. 1511-1532 ◽  
Author(s):  
Henar Criado ◽  
Francisco Herreros

The analysis of the causes of political support for political institutions has been focused either on one-case studies that stress the relevance of individual variables or cross-national studies that stress the role of institutions. In this article, the authors suggest that to understand the logic of political support, it is necessary to combine both types of explanations. Using evidence from 17 European countries of the 2002 to 2003 European Social Survey data set, the authors show that the effect of the performance of the institution on political support is higher in majoritarian democracies, where the attribution of responsibility for policy outcomes is clear, than in proportional democracies. They also show that the effect of ideology on political support depends on the type of democracy: Those citizens ideologically far from the government will show higher levels of political support in proportional democracies than in majoritarian ones.


2000 ◽  
Vol 162 ◽  
pp. 439-464 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard Baum

Electoral democracy has been defined as “a system of government in which the principal positions of effective government power are filled, directly or indirectly, through meaningful, regular, free and fair… elections.” By this criterion, Hong Kong today falls short of being an electoral democracy. There are periodic elections, and there is a 60-seat Legislative Council (LegCo), at least some of whose members are chosen by universal adult suffrage. There are also a number of organized, highly articulate political parties whose legislative members are frequent, outspoken critics of the government and its policies. And there is a system of transparent electoral laws and procedures administered by a professionally neutral civil service, ensuring that elections remain free and fair. Yet for all its manifest electoral virtues, democracy in post-handover Hong Kong is highly constrained and confined, as noted in the previous article by Suzanne Pepper.


2006 ◽  
Vol 2 (3/4) ◽  
pp. 9
Author(s):  
Ahmed Shafiqul Huque

Hong Kong, as a part of the People’s Republic of China, has been experiencing new challenges since 1997. The reintegration of capitalist Hong Kong within the socialist framework of China was resolved with the innovative concept of “one country, two systems.” The application of the system has met with some problems, but the advent of globalization and its demands have imposed new and more formidable challenges. This article examines the challenges of globalization from the perspective of Hong Kong as a unit of China. The key argument is that Hong Kong has long been prepared for dealing with the routine problems of management, internationalization and development of human resources. However, operating as a unit of the Chinese political and administrative system entails a different set of challenges. These include a comprehensive understanding China’s place in the world system, dealing with internal issues, and developing a system and public service that can strike a balance between the local and international demands. A series of reforms have been initiated, but their impact is not clear yet and further changes are required to integrate Hong Kong as an effective component of the system for improving governance in China. The main challenges lie in striking a balance between the values of traditional public administration and new public management, between local and national interests, between external and internal pressures for change, and between demands from the society for service the and capacity of the government to respond.


2020 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 111-123
Author(s):  
Ahmed Shafiqul Huque ◽  
Patamawadee Jongruck

PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to examine the strategies of civil service reforms in Hong Kong and Thailand. It seeks to identify the drivers of reforms in the two cases and explain the divergence in processes that were intended to achieve similar ends.Design/methodology/approachThis paper adopts a case study approach along with a thorough review of the literature. It is based on secondary materials, including academic studies, government publications and websites, and media reports. It compares approaches, strategies and outcomes of civil service reforms in Hong Kong and Thailand.FindingsCivil service reforms in Hong Kong focused on improving management through the implementation of New Public Management (NPM) principles, while governance values were prominent in civil service reforms in Thailand.Originality/valueThis paper compares civil service reforms in two dissimilar Asian cases. It highlights the impact of global trends on traditional bureaucratic organizations and reform strategies, and recognizes the impacts of traditions, culture and capacity on civil service reforms.


Author(s):  
Dr. Nazmul Ahsan Kalimullah ◽  
Dr. Jebunnessa ◽  
M. M. Ashaduzzaman Nour

Civil Service has a task to secure, support and improve the nation it serves. All over the world, each and every public and civil servant plays a vital role in fulfilling this task and so improving the lives of their corresponding citizens. Over the generations civil service has helped successive governments to overcome exclusive and complex challenges. Hence, performance and quality of civil service is very important. Improving performance quality of civil service is a public personnel management process by which the public organizations determine how effectively the employees are performing the job and improve performance to achieve the ultimate goals. Public sector organizations are playing an increasingly important role towards development of Bangladesh by providing a range of services. Bangladesh started promoting quality of civil service under the rubric of the ‘Structural Adjustment’ in the era of New Public Management. This paper attempts to analyze the present state and limitations of performance management and provide some suggestions to promote quality of civil service in order to improve the overall performance of the Government of Bangladesh.


2016 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 44-62
Author(s):  
Ho Man Chan ◽  
Ka Chun Ku ◽  
Pak Kei Toma Li ◽  
Hiu Kwan Ng ◽  
Suet Yi Michelle Ng

Purpose This paper aims to examine the development of graffiti in Hong Kong. Based on cultural criminological theories, the study looks at graffiti from the cultural verstehen perspective (Ritzer, 1996) – giving voice to graffiti writers, instead of focusing on how the police or the general public react to the graffiti issue. The research also examines the motives of those writers and whether they perceive graffiti as an act of vandalism or an expression of an art form. Design/methodology/approach Graffiti is still an underdeveloped research topic in Hong Kong, which is absent not only in the mainstream discourse, but also in mainstream arts. It merely catches the media’s attention when graffiti are associated with political struggles. Thus, this paper aims to bridge the gap between the existing literature reviews and the graffiti development in this cosmopolitan city. In particular, it gives voice to graffiti writers to let readers understand how this hidden group of people perceive the notion of graffiti within their own subcultural discourse – and, at the same time, how the public responds to those graffiti-writings. Findings The research project, to a certain extent, manifests similarities to the literature reviews at an international level, especially the graffiti studies in London and New York. There are similarities in the graffiti styles – tags, bombs and pieces – and also in terms of the meanings carried behind graffiti-writing in public spaces, which showcase power through occupying space and its association with commercialization. Nevertheless, graffiti in Hong Kong have certain unique features, particularly as regards the official response to graffiti and the linkage of graffiti with politics. As seen in the Umbrella Movement and the Ai wei-wei incident, the legal responses were rigid and efficient, showing that the government paid great attention to the messages delivered in these cases. When no complaints or reports are made to the police, graffiti work is left undisturbed. Only when strong political messages are carried will prompt action be taken. Originality/value Graffiti are an underdeveloped research topic in Hong Kong, which is absent not only in the mainstream discourse but also in the mainstream arts. This paper aims to bridge the gap between the existing literature reviews and the graffiti development in Hong Kong. It gives voice to graffiti writers to let readers understand how this hidden group of people perceives the notion of graffiti within their own subcultural discourse and how city dwellers respond to those graffiti-writings.


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