‘1968’ in Context: Protest Movements in the 1960s

2011 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 233-242
Author(s):  
UTA HINZ

The year 2008 marked the fortieth anniversary of the great revolts of 1968. As always, the occasion gave rise to impassioned debates. In Germany they were stimulated by the historian and 1968 veteran Götz Aly, who compared the ‘sixty-eight’ to the ‘thirty-three’ generations (the Nazi student body of the early 1930s), and postulated ‘parallels in German history’, continuities and ‘similarities in the approach to mobilisation, political utopianism and the anti-bourgeois impulse’. Following the thirtieth anniversary in 1998, which triggered a flood of scholarly publications, we have had ten further years of research into the recent history of the 1960s, up to the fortieth anniversary in 2008. In 1998, the central question was still to remove the 1960s protest movements from the realm of myth and to establish the ‘year of protest’ (i.e. 1968) itself as a subject for historical research. Since 1998, the aims of international research have been to develop a global comparative analysis of the movements and to contextualise them historically. Particular attention has been devoted to locating political protest movements in the overall process of socio-cultural transformation through the ‘long 1960s’.

2018 ◽  
Vol 47 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-4
Author(s):  
Talia Schaffer

In May 2017, the annual City University of New York (CUNY) Victorian Conference addressed the history of Victorian feminist criticism. Our conference coincided with the fortieth anniversary of A Literature of Their Own and the thirtieth anniversary of Desire and Domestic Fiction, affording us a chance to think about the legacy of these groundbreaking texts. Elaine Showalter, Martha Vicinus, and Nancy Armstrong spoke about their struggles to establish and maintain Victorian feminist work in the twentieth century, often against outright hostility. We also heard about issues in twenty-first-century Victorian feminist practice: Alison Booth spoke about digital-humanities codification of Victorian women's lives, Jill Ehnenn discussed queer revisions, and Maia McAleavey explored new theories of relationality, while I gave a response to Armstrong's talk. Meanwhile, Carolyn Oulton's discussion of the ongoing struggle to canonize Victorian women writers spoke to the continuous work required to make Victorian women's writing familiar to the field. It was an emotional day, for we all recognized that this might be one of the last times that the founding generation could be together to share these stories.


2007 ◽  
Vol 28 (1) ◽  
pp. 9-19 ◽  
Author(s):  
James G. March

The history of organization studies is embedded in its times and the ways those times affect different regions differently. In particular, significant features of the field were molded by the moods and prejudices associated with academia after three critical events in 20th-century history: (1) the Second World War, (2) the social and political protest movements of the late 1960s and early 1970s, (3) the collapse of the Soviet Empire and the triumph of markets. Speculating about the unfolding of the events of the future that will have similar impacts is discouraged by an awareness that neither their timing nor the severity of their impacts can be specified with any precision. In any event, our task is not to join any particular wave of the future, but to make small pieces of scholarship beautiful.


2009 ◽  
Vol 54 (3) ◽  
pp. 419-427 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adrian Randall

SummaryCaptain Swing, authored by Eric Hobsbawm and George Rudé and published in 1969, was one of the key texts in the development of the new British social history of the 1960s and 1970s. On its fortieth anniversary, this introduction to the special theme looks back at the significance and impact that Captain Swing had, and continues to have, on the study of popular protest. The author locates the approach taken by its writers within the political and historiographical context of its time and examines how successive historians – including the two authors following this retrospect – have built upon and challenged the arguments which the book advanced.


Author(s):  
Robert Cohen

The Depression era saw the first mass student movement in American history. The crusade, led in large part by young Communists, was both an anti-war campaign and a movement championing a broader and more egalitarian vision of the welfare state than that of the New Dealers. The movement arose from a massive political awakening on campus, caused by the economic crisis of the 1930s, the escalating international tensions, and threat of world war wrought by fascism. At its peak, in the late 1930s, the movement mobilized at least a half million collegians in annual strikes against war. Never before, and not again until the 1960s, were so many undergraduates mobilized for political protest in the United States. The movement lost nearly all its momentum in 1939, when the signing of the Hitler-Stalin pact served to discredit the student Communist leaders. Adding to the emerging portrait of political life in the 1930s, this book is the result of an extraordinary amount of research, has fascinating individual stories to tell, and offers the first comprehensive history of this student insurgency.


1986 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 57-85 ◽  
Author(s):  
Herbert P. Kitschelt

Since the 1960s, successive protest movements have challenged public policies, established modes of political participation and socio-economic institutions in advanced industrial democracies. Social scientists have responded by conducting case studies of such movements. Comparative analyses, particularly cross-national comparisons of social movements, however, remain rare, although opportunities abound to observe movements with similar objectives or forms of mobilization in diverse settings.


1970 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 127-143 ◽  
Author(s):  
G. H. Mungeam

This paper attempts to study the contrasting responses of two Kenya tribes, the Masai and the Kikuyu, to the establishment of British administration. It suggests that neither reacted in the way expected of them by early British officials, who anticipated that the Masai would forcefully oppose the British entry, while little or no resistance was expected from the Kikuyu.Instead, the Masai actively co-operated with the British, through the support of a laibon, Lenana, and the provision of levies who accompanied British punitive expeditions. Although twice removed from their lands, the Masai still did not fight, but appealed to the law courts. When this failed, they showed little or no interest in further opposition. Although apparently having some cause to resent treatment received at the hands of the British, they showed virtually no interest in the protest movements of the twenties.By contrast the Kikuyu, far from standing aside as had been expected, opposed the British entry in a series of short engagements, in which they suffered considerable casualties. Soon, however, collaborators began to emerge and ‘chiefs’ such as Kinyanjui—created by the British and beholden to them–benefited considerably from the connexion. Despite this co-operation, the earlier resentments continued and were reinforced by losses of land to European settlers, and by the unsettling effects upon tribal life of the proximity of Nairobi and the teaching of the missions. When, after the acute sufferings of the war years, further demands were made by the government, the Kikuyu responded by active participation in organized political protest.Possible reasons are put forward for these contrasting responses, and the suggestion is made that differing attitudes to the protest movements of the twenties can be more fully appreciated when the history of these earlier years is taken into account.


2008 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 127-134 ◽  
Author(s):  
KARL CHRISTIAN LAMMERS

The downfall and disappearance of the German Democratic Republic, the GDR, and the unification in 1990 of the two German states into the Federal Republic of Germany, the FRG, marked the end of an era. Forty years of divided and non-simultaneous German history had been brought to an end, and the national or German question had at last been solved. Since 1990 German history has continued as the history of the Federal Republic. From this perspective 1990 marked not an absolute end, but the continuity of the Federal Republic and to some degree even the triumph of the political, economic and social system of the FRG, as the inhabitants of the socialist GDR, when they had the opportunity, voted for joining the successful and wealthy West German state. The end of divided history, however, has had another consequence. Even if the era of the GDR, because of the very favourable archive situation, attracted great attention among historians, the focus of historical research has turned more and more to the history of the Federal Republic in order to analyse and explain why the FRG ended as a success, while the socialist GDR failed in its ambitions and aspirations as an alternative Germany. History demonstrated that the GDR was no German option, although for some time it was a German reality.


2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (3) ◽  
pp. 55-63
Author(s):  
Valery P. Vorobiev ◽  
Roman L. Iliev

Introduction. The centuries-old history of the state and political protest movements as their driving force highlights an interesting pattern. Participants, initiators, and leaders are not interested in the underlying causes of protests. The forms and content of management, socio-political systems are changing but in all situations a narrow circle of people continues to make all important decisions.Materials and methods. The study used comparative legal and systemic methods, various materials.The results of the study. Political decisions overtly or covertly threaten performers of these decisions with punishment for non-compliance. However, as a rule only they always bear suffering and losses for erroneous decisions.Discussion and conclusion. According to Hegel a political decision is based “on subjective goals and opinions, on subjective feeling and private conviction that lead to the destruction of internal morality, integrity and conscience, love and law in relations between individuals, on the one hand, and public order and state laws not limited by legal norms and not restrained by public institutions, on the other”. The well-known scientists Weber, Duverger, Bentham and many others also held the same opinion that politics expresses “the desire of those in power to possess it, which provides them with control over society and personal benefits”. The term “politics” in its modern sense has arisen due to a misunderstanding. The prestige of Aristotle was used to give the befitting justification to the right of the sovereign to make decisions according to his preference and whim. In the 3rd century A.D. Aristotle used in his work the word “politics”, which at that time meant “state” (“polity” is the rule of the majority; Aristotle used it as the name of a specific form of state republic). Now, in many contexts, the word “politics” is used along with the terms “political system” or “state”, and the lack of knowledge about patterns is replaced by describing past or fictional events in the lives of the mighty people and fortunetelling about future events.


Author(s):  
Greg Patmore ◽  
Nikola Balnave

The Rochdale consumer cooperative movements in Australia and the United States, while weak by international standards, have played a significant role in increasing the power of many consumers over the price, quality, and quantity of consumer goods. There have been peaks and troughs in the history of these co-ops for a variety of reasons including inflation, social unrest, competition from private retailers, the level of labor movement and state support, and the influence of immigrant groups. Prior to the end of World War II, Rochdale consumer cooperatives in both countries fluctuated in strength, but they declined in the postwar period with spectacular collapses during the 1980s. Since the 1960s, protest movements have encouraged a new wave of local food cooperatives, particularly in the United States.


2020 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
pp. 179-198
Author(s):  
Marta Kozak

Aid activities in Poland have a long history. Over the centuries, it took various forms and evolved from mutual assistance, philanthropy, and charity to organized, purposeful activities. Memories of my experience of working in institutional care and then of social welfare concern the period of the turn of the Polish People's Republic and the Third Polish Republic. The systemic changes initiated at that time were of fundamental importance in the development and professionalization of Polish social welfare. I belong to a group of social workers who started work in the 1960s. Therefore, I am an eyewitness and participant in the changes that took place on the "first line" of social welfare in one of the Polish municipalities in which I worked in those years. I tried to explain the reality of social workers in this period. In my memories I recall some events that may seem insignificant in the scale of general changes but reflect the atmosphere of those times. I trust that they will supplement the knowledge about the history of social welfare of this period.


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