scholarly journals Politics and State: Two Sides of the Same Phenomenon

2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (3) ◽  
pp. 55-63
Author(s):  
Valery P. Vorobiev ◽  
Roman L. Iliev

Introduction. The centuries-old history of the state and political protest movements as their driving force highlights an interesting pattern. Participants, initiators, and leaders are not interested in the underlying causes of protests. The forms and content of management, socio-political systems are changing but in all situations a narrow circle of people continues to make all important decisions.Materials and methods. The study used comparative legal and systemic methods, various materials.The results of the study. Political decisions overtly or covertly threaten performers of these decisions with punishment for non-compliance. However, as a rule only they always bear suffering and losses for erroneous decisions.Discussion and conclusion. According to Hegel a political decision is based “on subjective goals and opinions, on subjective feeling and private conviction that lead to the destruction of internal morality, integrity and conscience, love and law in relations between individuals, on the one hand, and public order and state laws not limited by legal norms and not restrained by public institutions, on the other”. The well-known scientists Weber, Duverger, Bentham and many others also held the same opinion that politics expresses “the desire of those in power to possess it, which provides them with control over society and personal benefits”. The term “politics” in its modern sense has arisen due to a misunderstanding. The prestige of Aristotle was used to give the befitting justification to the right of the sovereign to make decisions according to his preference and whim. In the 3rd century A.D. Aristotle used in his work the word “politics”, which at that time meant “state” (“polity” is the rule of the majority; Aristotle used it as the name of a specific form of state republic). Now, in many contexts, the word “politics” is used along with the terms “political system” or “state”, and the lack of knowledge about patterns is replaced by describing past or fictional events in the lives of the mighty people and fortunetelling about future events.

Author(s):  
Haydar Darıcı ◽  
Serra Hakyemez

What kind of work does the categorical distinction between combatant and civilian do in the interplay of the necropolitics and biopower of the Turkish state? This paper focuses on a time period (2015-2016) in the history of the Kurdish conflict when that distinction was no longer operable as the war tactics of the Kurdish movement shifted from guerrilla attacks of hit and run in the mountains to the self-defence of residents in urban centres. It reveals the limit of inciting compassion through the figure of civilian who is assumed to entertain a pre-political life that is directed towards mere survival. It also shows how the government reconstructs the dead bodies using forensics and technoscience in order to portray what is considered by Kurdish human rights organizations civilians as combatants exercising necroresistance. As long as the civilian-combatant distinction remains and serves as the only episteme of war to defend the right to life, the state is enabled to entertain not only the right to kill, but also to turn the dead into the perpetrators of their own killing. Finally, this paper argues that law and violence, on the one hand, and the right to life and the act of killing on the other, are not two polar opposites but are mutually constitutive of each other in the remaking of state sovereignty put in crisis by the Kurdish movement's self-defence practices.


Author(s):  
Peter Mitchell

Over 50,000 years ago a Neanderthal hunter approached a wild ass on the plains of northeastern Syria. Taking aim from the right as the animal nervously assessed the threat, he launched his stone-tipped spear into its neck, penetrating the third cervical vertebra and paralyzing it immediately. Butchered at the kill site, this bone and most of the rest of the animal were taken back to the hunter’s camp at Umm el Tlel, a short distance away. Closely modelled on archaeological observations of that vertebra and the Levallois stone point still embedded within it, this incident helps define the framework for this chapter. At the start of the period it covers, human interactions with the donkey’s ancestors were purely a matter of hunting wild prey, but by its end the donkey had been transformed into a domesticated animal. Chapter 2 thus looks at how this process came about, where it did so, and what the evolutionary history of the donkey’s forebears had been until that point. Donkeys and the wild asses that are their closest relatives form part of the equid family to which zebras and horses also belong. Collectively, equids, like rhinoceroses and tapirs, fall within the Perissodactyla, the odd-toed division of hoofed mammals or ungulates. Though this might suggest a close connection with the much larger order known as the Artiodactyla, the even-toed antelopes (including deer, cattle, sheep, and goats), their superficial resemblances may actually reflect evolutionary convergence; some genetic studies hint that perissodactyls are more closely related to carnivores. Like tapirs and rhinoceroses, the earliest equids had three toes, not the one that has characterized them for the past 40 million years. That single toe, the third, now bears all their weight in the form of a single, enlarged hoof with the adjacent toes reduced to mere splints. This switch, and the associated elongation of the third (or central) metapodial linking the toe to the wrist or ankle, is one of the key evolutionary transformations through which equids have passed. A second involves diet since the earliest perissodactyls were all browsers, not grazers like the equids of today.


Traditio ◽  
1943 ◽  
Vol 1 ◽  
pp. 355-408 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gaines Post

By the end of the thirteenth century the royal writ of summons to Parliament usually specified that communities send representatives with “full power” to consent to whatever should be ordained by the king in his court and council. This “full power” was the famous plena potestas which was stated in the mandates carried by knights and burgesses to Parliament and by delegates of cities and towns to Cortes and States General, and which is still current in proxies for stockholders' meetings. It has, of course, like almost every word of the terminology in documents relating to representation, challenged interpretation: on the one side is the argument of J. G. Edwards, who confines himself to England, that plena potestas implied an almost political or sovereign consent which limited the royal authority; on the other, the assumption that it was an expression of involuntary consent to the acts and decisions of the royal government. In general, of course, whatever modern scholars have decided as to the right of consent has resulted either from modern conceptions of representation or from a strict interpretation of the terminology in the sources for the history of assemblies. No one has examined plena potestas in the light of the legal theory and procedure of the thirteenth century It is possible that by studying how legists and canonists viewed the meaning of plena potestas—for it, like most of the terminology in the mandate, came from Roman Law—we can find at least a relatively new approach to the problem of medieval consent.


Author(s):  
Andrea Botto Stuven

The Documentation Center of the Contemporary History of Chile (CIDOC), which belongs to the Universidad Finis Terrae (Santiago), has a digital archive that contains the posters and newspapers inserts of the anti-communist campaign against Salvador Allende’s presidential candidacy in 1964. These appeared in the main right-wing newspapers of Santiago, between January and September of 1964. Although the collection of posters in CIDOC is not complete, it is a resource of great value for those who want to research this historical juncture, considering that those elections were by far the most contested and conflicting in the history of Chile during the 20th Century, as it implicted the confrontation between two candidates defending two different conceptions about society, politics, and economics. On the one hand, Salvador Allende, the candidate of the Chilean left; on the other, Eduardo Frei, the candidate of the Christian Democracy, coupled with the traditional parties of the Right. While the technical elements of the programs of both candidates did not differ much from each other, the political campaign became the scenario for an authentic war between the “media” that stood up for one or the other candidate. Frei’s anticommunist campaign had the financial aid of the United States, and these funds were used to gather all possible resources to create a real “terror” in the population at the perspective of the Left coming to power. The Chilean Left labeled this strategy of using fear as the “Terror Campaign.”


2018 ◽  
pp. bcr-2018-225872
Author(s):  
Deepak Sambhara ◽  
Ji Hyae Lee ◽  
Seth M Pantanelli

A 26-year-old Caucasian man with no previous history of chemical injury presenting with an inability to open his right eye was investigated for mucous membrane pemphigoid and treated. Examination was notable for symblepharon of the right eye and impetigo-like lesions on the face and neck. A biopsy with immunohistochemical analysis was significant for linear deposits of C3 and immunoglobulin G at the level of the epithelial basement membrane, confirming the diagnosis of mucous membrane pemphigoid. Although mucous membrane pemphigoid classically presents bilaterally in women in the sixth and seventh decades of life, our patient was a young man with unilateral cicatrising conjunctivitis who may have been easily misdiagnosed without a high index of suspicion. A biopsy is required in cases of cicatrising conjunctivitis so that even atypical cases such as the one presented herein can be appropriately managed.


2011 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 233-242
Author(s):  
UTA HINZ

The year 2008 marked the fortieth anniversary of the great revolts of 1968. As always, the occasion gave rise to impassioned debates. In Germany they were stimulated by the historian and 1968 veteran Götz Aly, who compared the ‘sixty-eight’ to the ‘thirty-three’ generations (the Nazi student body of the early 1930s), and postulated ‘parallels in German history’, continuities and ‘similarities in the approach to mobilisation, political utopianism and the anti-bourgeois impulse’. Following the thirtieth anniversary in 1998, which triggered a flood of scholarly publications, we have had ten further years of research into the recent history of the 1960s, up to the fortieth anniversary in 2008. In 1998, the central question was still to remove the 1960s protest movements from the realm of myth and to establish the ‘year of protest’ (i.e. 1968) itself as a subject for historical research. Since 1998, the aims of international research have been to develop a global comparative analysis of the movements and to contextualise them historically. Particular attention has been devoted to locating political protest movements in the overall process of socio-cultural transformation through the ‘long 1960s’.


2021 ◽  
Vol 96 ◽  
pp. 7-15
Author(s):  
Rafał Mańko ◽  
Przemysław Tacik ◽  
Gian Giacomo Fusco

The history of the 20th century, and more recently the two-decades long war on terror, have taught us the lesson that the normalisation of the state of exception (intended here as the proliferation of legal instruments regulating emergency powers, and their constant use in varied situations of crisis) is never immune from the risk of leaving long-lasting impacts of legal and political systems. With the “Return of the Exception” we intend to bring to the fore the fact that in the pandemic the state of exception has re-appeared in its “grand” version, the one that pertains to round-the-clock curfews and strong limitations to the freedom of movement and assembly, all adorned by warfare rhetoric of the fight against an invisible enemy – which, given the biological status of viruses, it cannot but be ourselves. But “return” here must be intended also in its psychoanalytic meaning. Much like the repressed that lives in a state of latency in the unconscious before eventually returning to inform consciousness and reshape behaviour, the state of exception is an element that remains nested in law’s text before reappearing in a specific moment with forms and intensity that are not fully predictable. Still, it remains cryptic whether the pandemic inaugurates a new epoch of liberal legality – the post-law – or just augurs its structural crisis.


2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-25
Author(s):  
Sri Wahyuni Kusradi

Pelayanan musik adalah sangat penting dalam ibadah. Karena itu Kitab Mazmur juga menyatakan hal-hal mengenai pelayanan tersebut. “petiklah kecapi baik-baik” memberikan pengertian bahwa pelayanan musik bukanlah semata-mata menyangkut kemampuan memainkan alat musik saja. Tetapi lebih jauh dari hal itu adalah menyangkut kedalaman batin pemusik dalam penyembahannya kepada Tuhan yang menyangkut keseluruhan kehidupan sang pelayan tersebut.              Ia adalah orang yang benar di dalam Tuhan: ia adalah seorang yang memiliki hati yang telah dibaharui oleh Tuhan, dia adalah seorang yang dosanya telah diampuni, telah diselesaikan di hadapan Tuhan. Dia adalah seorang yang jujur artinya dia adalah seorang yang berintegritas dan tidakada kemunafikan. Seorang pelayan musik yang benar adalah yang memiliki sikap yang benar yang jiwanya penuh sukacita dalam memuji Tuhan, yang hatinya penuh dengan pujian kepada Allah. Dia juga dapat memainkan alat-alat musik dengan benar: ia memahami musik dengan benar dan memahami bagaimana bermusik yang dikenan Tuhan. Seorang pelayan musik juga memiliki kesungguhan hati dan perlu mempersiapkan dengan matang melalui latihan-latihan sebelum memulai pelayanannya. Seorang pelayan musik juga adalah seorang yang tiap waktu mengharapkan kasih setia Tuhan, sehingga ia tidak mengandalkan dirinya sendiri, yang hatinya penuh pengagungan dan kekaguman kepada Tuhan. Ia hendaknya mengetahui alasan kenapa ia bermain musik dan melayani musik dengan baik-baik. Ia mengerti alasannya yaitu karena Firman Tuhan telah menjadikan segala sesuatu, bahwa Tuhan yang ia layani adalah yang memiliki rancangan ygng menentukan sejaah umat-Nya, yang perhatian-Nya kepada manusia seluruhnya, dan Ia adalah Tuhan yang menyelamatkan orang yang takut akan Dia. Pemahaman akan hal-hal tersebut akan sangat berpengaruh pada seluruh ibadah dan kemajuan penyembahan umat kepada Allah dan kehidupan umat yang mempermuliakan Allah, Sang Juruselamat. Music ministry is very important in worship. Therefore the Psalms also state matters regarding the ministry. "Pick the harp well" gives the sense that the service of music is not solely concerned with the ability to play an instrument. But further than that it concerns the inner depth of the musician in his worship of God concerning the whole life of the servant. He is a righteous person in God: he is a person who has a heart that has been renewed by God, he is a person whose sins have been forgiven, resolved before God. He is an honest person meaning he is a person of integrity and no hypocrisy. A true music steward is one who has the right attitude whose soul is full of joy in praising God, whose heart is full of praise to God. He can also play musical instruments correctly: he understands music correctly and understands how music is pleasing to God. A music steward also has sincerity and needs to prepare carefully through exercises before starting his ministry. A music steward is also someone who is always expecting God's love, so he does not rely on himself, whose heart is full of admiration and admiration for God. He should know the reasons why he plays music and serves music well. He understands the reason that is because the Word of God has made everything, that the Lord he serves is the one who has a design that determines the history of His people, whose attention is to the whole human being, and He is the God who saves those who fear Him. Understanding these things will greatly affect the entire worship and progress of the worship of the people to God and the lives of people who glorify God, the Savior.


The second part of the article considers the issue of the contradiction of the realization of the right to self-determination and the principle of territorial integrity of Serbia and Ukraine on the example of Kosovo and Crimea. It presents an analysis of the legitimacy of the will expression of Kosovars and Crimeans and its compliance with the norms of international law. The preconditions and factors of the ethnopolitical conflict are examined and the main problematic issues that caused controversies between the central and local authorities in Kosovo and Crimea are identified. The article emphasizes that the result of the plebiscites in Kosovo (1998) and Crimea (2014) was the declaration of independence, denied by central authorities of Serbia and Ukraine and met with mixed reactions by the international community. The self-proclaimed republics have only external features of statehood and are subject to external administration of other countries. A latent opposition of geopolitical opponents in the international arena is noted, which is to some extent traced through the position on the recognition / non-recognition of Kosovo and Crimea. The article draws attention to the fact that inconsistent interpretations of certain principles of international law promote secession movements in countries where conflicts periodically arise between central and local authorities. The emphasis is placed on the necessity of a clearer definition of the aforementioned international legal norms and obligations undertaken by subjects of international law. The article holds that in order to avoid such situations as in Kosovo or Crimea, to eliminate conflicts related to the possibility of an ambiguous interpretation and application of the principles of international law, an internationally recognized system of more stringent and comprehensive measures should be introduced to cease and prevent threats to the territorial integrity of countries. A strong position of the international community on the abovementioned principles with the history of the liberation movements of these peoples taken into account should become the measure precluding the aggravation of conflict situations related to the aspiration of peoples for self-determination.


2019 ◽  
Vol 59 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ryan Lance

ConocoPhillips has a history of success in Australia, investing more than $20 billion since 2004 and creating 4000 ongoing jobs. We are a foundation shareholder and operator of Australia Pacific LNG, vital to the export and domestic markets; an owner and the operator of Darwin LNG; and are approaching a final investment decision on the Barossa offshore supply development project in early 2020. Over the past decade our industry invested $200 billion into development here, making Australia the one of the world’s largest LNG exporters. These exports serve a global energy landscape that features growing demand for secure energy, but also an increasingly competitive supply market. In order for Australian LNG projects to attract investment capital in today’s market, they must be competitive on costs and financial returns. Industry is striving toward this with ongoing technological and efficiency improvements. But we also need a stable fiscal environment and access to natural gas resources. We therefore look to government for leadership in ensuring contract sanctity, opening land for exploration and development and allowing the free market to incentivise new investment. All these actions together would help ensure adequate supplies for Australia’s domestic natural gas market and vital export industry. Additionally, natural gas will be a vital part of the future energy mix in a lower-carbon world. Farsighted government policy can help assure Australia’s growing role in supplying the world with this abundant and affordable source of clean energy. To view the video, click the link on the right.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document