scholarly journals The Instability of the Standard Justification for Physician-Assisted Suicide

2001 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 103-109
Author(s):  
THOMAS A. CAVANAUGH

Proponents commonly justify the legalization of physician-assisted suicide (PAS) in terms of a patient's wanting to die (autonomy) and the patient's having a medically established good reason for suicide. These are the common elements of the standard justification offered for the legalization of PAS. In what follows, I argue that these two conditions exist in significant tension with one another, operating according to distinct dynamics that render the justification for PAS an unstable “let it be so” basis for public policy. Moreover, no natural connection keeps these two criteria united. Indeed—as I argue—the two elements of the justification oppose and threaten to exclude one another. Thus, the PAS justification is too labile a basis for sound public policy.

2000 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 407-410 ◽  
Author(s):  
ERNLÉ W.D. YOUNG

In brief compass, I will touch on three of the central ethical and public policy issues that divide those who are opposed to physician-assisted dying from those who are supportive of this practice. These are: (1) the moral distinction (if any) between actively hastening death and passively allowing to die; (2) how to interpret the Hippocratic tradition in medicine with respect to physician-assisted death; and (3) whether physician-assisted suicide can be effectively regulated. I shall summarize the arguments pro and con with respect to each issue, and also indicate my own position.


2016 ◽  
Vol 4 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Gildenhuys

John Arras argues against the legalization of physician-assisted suicide and active euthanasia on the basis of social costs that he anticipates will result from legalization. Arras believes that the legalization of highly restricted physician-assisted suicide will result in the legalization of active euthanasia without special restrictions, a prediction I grant for the sake of argument. Arras further anticipates that the practices of physician-assisted suicide and euthanasia will be abused, so that many patients who engage in these practices will lose out as a result. He refers to these losses as social costs to legalization. But the social costs at play in typical public policy debates are borne by individuals other than the agent who engages in the controversial activity, specifically by people who cannot be held responsible for enduring those costs. Even if plausible interpretations of Arras’ predictions about the abuse of the practice are granted, legalization of physician-assisted suicide or euthanasia brings no social costs of this latter sort. For this reason, and also because a ban on euthanasia is unfair to those who would profit from it, the losses in utility brought about by legalization would have to be very great to justify a ban.


2016 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
pp. 69-74 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bonnie Stabile ◽  
Aubrey Grant

Within the next two decades, the elderly population in the United States will reach its zenith, comprising 73 million individuals, 20 percent of the nation, the baby boomers’ final surge. The process of their dying may become contentious. Should policymakers and bioethicists be satisfied with our current approach to dying, or should they begin now to reconceptualize it? We distill end-of-life discussions in the bioethics literature and popular press, paying particular attention to physician-assisted suicide and its uptake where legal. Evidence so far indicates that few of the dying opt for this alternative, suggesting that its role in assuring “death with dignity” cannot be, as may have been hoped, a leading one. The end-of-life literature on the whole lends credence to the fear that most of the dying, along with their families and physicians, will muddle through a morass of uncoordinated options, with futile medical intervention the most prominent outcome — despite more palliative strategies, such as home hospice care, being favorably described. We found no reason to recommend persistence in our current approach to dying and found good reason to urge early, conscientious, and thoroughgoing reconceptualization in policy and practice as well as in theory.


2000 ◽  
Vol 49 (3) ◽  
pp. 643-659 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Murphy

Thisarticle considers the basis on which the English courts exercise their discretion to refuse to recognise foreign marriages1whoseformal validity2is beyond question and whoseessential validity3is probably also satisfied.4It has been widely stated that this discretionary veto is to be wielded in accordance with the dictates of “public policy”. As far back as 1945, Lord Greene MR said that such matters were to be resolved “with due regard to common sense andsome attention to reasonable policy”.5Nearly 40 years later, Lord Simon, similarly minded and speaking in the House of Lords, was a good deal more emphatic. He said: “[t]here is abundant authority that an English court will decline to recognise or apply what would otherwise be the appropriate foreign rule of law when to do so would be against English public policy”.6Perhaps surprisingly, this policy-based discretionary veto has commanded virtually no academic attention.7It is my intention to address that anomaly. It is wholly inadequate, as is sometimes done, both by the courts (as we have seen) and academics, simply to refer glibly to “public policy” as though its contents were somehow self-evident and its meaning plain.8It is also signally unenlightening merely to state, as Jaffey has done, that “[t]he premise should be that an invalidating rule of a domestic system, whether English or foreign, should only be applied to a given international marriage if there is agood reasonfor its application”.9So doing merely recasts one nebulous term, “public policy”, as another, “a good reason”. Judicial synonyms have been scarcely any more illuminating. Take for example Lord Simon's famous enjoinder to have recourse to “common sense, good manners and a reasonable degree of tolerance”.10A number of familiar criticisms can be made of the opacity of such broad terms as “common sense”, “good manners” and “a reasonable degree of tolerance”: they deny the common law the clarity, consistency and objectivity that are frequently (and correctly, in my view) thought to be necessary in order to legitimate and constrain the adjudicative function.11But beyond these objections, two further, more particular criticisms can be made in respect of the invocation of “public policy” to deny recognition to “offensive” foreign marriages.


Author(s):  
Margaret P. Battin

When the debate over euthanasia and physician-assisted suicide emerged into public consciousness in the mid-1970s, the debate got off to a rousing start, as philosophers, doctors, theologians, public-policy theorists, journalists, social advocates, and private citizens became embroiled in the debate. On the one side were liberals, who thought physician-assisted suicide and perhaps voluntary active euthanasia were ethically acceptable and should be legal; on the other side were conservatives, who believed that it was imoral and/or dangerous to legalize assisted dying as a matter of public policy. Over the next few decades in which this debate was accelerating it achieved a lively, florid richness, both as a philosophical dispute and as a broad, international public issue. This article aims to explore the richness of this debate by showing something of the terrain of the debate and the figures who have inhabited it, both the public figures and the academic ones partly behind the scenes.


2002 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 17-23 ◽  
Author(s):  
Carl H. Coleman

In “Should We Impose Quotas? Evaluating the ‘Disparate Impact’ Argument Against Legalization of Assisted Suicide,” Ronald Lindsay argues that it should make no difference to the debate over legalizing assisted suicide whether the risks associated with legalization would fall disproportionately on the poor, people with disabilities, racial minorities, or any other especially vulnerable social group. Even assuming such an inequitable distribution of risks would occur, he maintains, attempting to avoid such an outcome is not a good reason to deny assisted suicide to “competent persons who truly voluntarily choose it.”Those of us who worry that legalization will differentially burden already disadvantaged segments of society have generally taken it for granted that the possibility of such disparities raises significant public policy concerns. By insisting on an explanation of this assumption — and, in so doing, making explicit the tension between autonomy and equality that underlies the assisted suicide debate — Lindsay has significantly advanced the ongoing conversation. While I disagree with his analysis, I commend him for a thoughtful, provocative, and important contribution to the literature.


Author(s):  
William Abel ◽  
Elizabeth Kahn ◽  
Tom Parr ◽  
Andrew Walton

This chapter examines whether the state should permit an individual to end their own life. Physician-assisted suicide is only one way in which a doctor can hasten an individual’s death. In fact there are three ways in which a doctor may act. First, they can be passive by allowing an individual to die. Second, they can assist an individual by enabling them to bring about their own death. Third, they can be active in hastening an individual’s death by administering life-ending medication. The chapter argues that a doctor should be permitted to assist an individual to end their own life, as well as to intervene to hasten their death. It supports this view by appealing to the value of freedom, specifically the freedom to choose how to live and die. The chapter then considers the worry that it is wrong for the state to allow a doctor to assist an individual to end their life, since this is an affront to the sanctity of life. It outlines some implications of this argument for the design of public policy.


De Jure ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 54 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ntokozo Mnyandu

SUMMARY Digitisation of information compels a revision of the Fourth Industrial Revolution (4IR) and its associated technologies. This arises because 4IR technologies, for example, the Internet of Things (IoT), Big or Massive Data, Artificial intelligence (AI), augmented or virtual reality and machine learning, drastically adjust the manner in which an information society operates. Specifically, they present unprecedented opportunities for business, economy and online user or consumers. Furthermore, they profoundly model and re-model productions. As a result, the conventional lines between the physical, digital and biological spheres become imprecise. Given the extent of the transformation that 4IR technologies bring to society, it has become necessary to refer to them as the disruptive technologies. However, the inquiry is to what extent is the information society ready to take advantage of disruptive technologies and control some of the setbacks that emanate from therefrom? For regulatory purposes, how electronic or e-ready regulators are to control the adverse consequences that are associated with disruptive technologies? To address these questions, this paper discusses some of the selected theories for technology regulations (artificial immune system (AIS) theory and theory for Lex Informatica). The theories are not technology regulations, as such. Simply, they concede that technology regulations should encourage a proper scrutiny of the position of the technologies in the information society.


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