Terrorism in Bulgaria

2003 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 66-70
Author(s):  
George Shanduorkov
Keyword(s):  
Emergency Response ◽  
Disaster Relief ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Political Stability ◽  
System Structure ◽  
State Agency ◽  
Communist Regime ◽  
The Government ◽  
High Level ◽  
Relief System

AbstractThe Republic of Bulgaria is one of the smallest countries in southeastern Europe and has little experience with terrorist acts. During the past 20 years, only nine terrorism-related events have been recorded in Bulgaria, and no unconventional weapons have been used. Factors contributing to terrorism in Bulgaria have been: (1) Communist Party domination of the government and political process from 1944 to 1989; (2) ethnic and religious conflicts between the Bulgarian Orthodox Christian majority and the Turkish Muslim minority from 1983 to 1987; and (3) the relatively high level of organized crime after the Communist regime ended in 1990.The structure and function of the Disaster Relief System in Bulgaria not only are focused on the prevention of terrorism, but also on preparedness for the emergency response to terrorism-related events. Institutional components of the Disaster Relief System structure responsible for the emergency response to terrorism-related events include: (1) the Government of Bulgaria; (2) the State Agency for Civil Protection with 28 regional directorates; (3) the Ministry of Health with five national hospitals, 28 regional hospitals, and 28 EMS systems; (4) the Ministry of Defense with special military units for response to unconventional terrorist events, including nuclear, biological, and chemical weapons; (5) the Ministry of Internal Affairs with 28 police departments, 28 fire departments, and specialized anti-terrorist units; and (6) the Bulgarian Red Cross.A major future challenge in Bulgaria is the prevention of terrorism through political stability, economic prosperity, ethnic and religious tolerance, and more effective measures against organized criminal activities. A related challenge will be to improve the level of preparedness of all components of Disaster Relief.

Terrorism in Bulgaria

2003 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 66-70
Author(s):  
George Shanduorkov
Keyword(s):  
Emergency Response ◽  
Disaster Relief ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Political Stability ◽  
System Structure ◽  
State Agency ◽  
Communist Regime ◽  
The Government ◽  
High Level ◽  
Relief System

AbstractThe Republic of Bulgaria is one of the smallest countries in southeastern Europe and has little experience with terrorist acts. During the past 20 years, only nine terrorism-related events have been recorded in Bulgaria, and no unconventional weapons have been used. Factors contributing to terrorism in Bulgaria have been: (1) Communist Party domination of the government and political process from 1944 to 1989; (2) ethnic and religious conflicts between the Bulgarian Orthodox Christian majority and the Turkish Muslim minority from 1983 to 1987; and (3) the relatively high level of organized crime after the Communist regime ended in 1990.The structure and function of the Disaster Relief System in Bulgaria not only are focused on the prevention of terrorism, but also on preparedness for the emergency response to terrorism-related events. Institutional components of the Disaster Relief System structure responsible for the emergency response to terrorism-related events include: (1) the Government of Bulgaria; (2) the State Agency for Civil Protection with 28 regional directorates; (3) the Ministry of Health with five national hospitals, 28 regional hospitals, and 28 EMS systems; (4) the Ministry of Defense with special military units for response to unconventional terrorist events, including nuclear, biological, and chemical weapons; (5) the Ministry of Internal Affairs with 28 police departments, 28 fire departments, and specialized anti-terrorist units; and (6) the Bulgarian Red Cross.A major future challenge in Bulgaria is the prevention of terrorism through political stability, economic prosperity, ethnic and religious tolerance, and more effective measures against organized criminal activities. A related challenge will be to improve the level of preparedness of all components of Disaster Relief.

YOUTH POLICY IN MODERN RUSSIA. ABSENTEEISM AND POLITICAL PROTEST

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
G.I. AVTSINOVA ◽  
М.А. BURDA
Keyword(s):  
Young People ◽  
Political Stability ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Protest ◽  
Youth Organizations ◽  
Youth Policy ◽  
The Government ◽  
Russian Politics ◽  
High Level

The article analyzes the features of the current youth policy of the Russian Federation aimed at raising the political culture. Despite the current activities of the government institutions in the field under study, absenteeism, as well as the protest potential of the young people, remains at a fairly high level. In this regard, the government acknowledged the importance of forming a positive image of the state power in the eyes of young people and strengthen its influence in the sphere of forming loyal associations, which is not always positively perceived among the youth. The work focuses on the fact that raising the loyalty of youth organizations is one of the factors of political stability, both in case of internal turbulence and external influence. The authors also focus on the beneficiaries of youth protests. The authors paid special attention to the issue of forming political leadership among the youth and the absence of leaders expressing the opinions of young people in modern Russian politics. At the same time, youth protest as a social phenomenon lack class and in some cases ideological differences. The authors come to the conclusion that despite the steps taken by the government and political parties to involve Russian youth in the political agenda, the young people reject leaders of youth opinion imposed by the authorities, either cultivating nonparticipation in the electoral campagines or demonstrating latent protest voting.

A Study on a Disaster Relief System for Large-Scale Earthquake Using Pleasure Boats in Tokyo Bay

2008 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kazuya Egami ◽  
Takeo Kondo ◽  
Kazukiyo Yamamoto ◽  
Takatomo Oshima ◽  
Tatsuya Kakoi ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Disaster Management ◽  
Large Scale ◽  
Disaster Relief ◽  
Tokyo Bay ◽  
Rescue System ◽  
The Government ◽  
Relief System ◽  
Management Council

The Central Disaster Management Council of the Cabinet Office predicts that an earthquake of magnitude 7 will occur in Metropolitan Tokyo and the Tokai area within 30 years. In preparation for such large-scale earthquakes, the government is considering various measures. In this study, we focus on the ‘Umi no eki (Sea Station)’ system developed by the Maritime Bureau of the Ministry of Land, Infrastructure and Transport, and propose a manual for ‘relief goods transportation’ and ‘stranded-commuter transportation’ using pleasure boats. Since it is important to determine whether pleasure boat owners are willing to voluntarily participate in relief activities at the Umi no eki, we also conducted a survey among pleasure boat owners concerning their awareness of disaster management. As a result, we found that pleasure boat owners are highly willing to participate. This study clarified the restrictions on volunteer activities carried out by pleasure boat owners, and a disaster management manual for pleasure boats was prepared with the objective of constructing a rescue system using pleasure boats in Tokyo Bay.

The Adoption of Web 2.0 by the State Government

2014 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 56-73 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael J. Ahn ◽  
Michael Berardino
Keyword(s):  
Web 2.0 ◽  
State Government ◽  
New Technology ◽  
Political Stability ◽  
Political Support ◽  
Political Factors ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Approval Rating ◽  
The Government ◽  
High Level

The emergence of Web 2.0 introduced a new potential in e-government which empowers citizens to share information and mobilize spontaneously online, and enables citizens to communicate directly with the government and its elected officials while significantly lowering some of the traditional barriers of e-government adoption such as the lack of financial resources and technical expertise in government. This paper examined the pattern of Web 2.0 adoption on state web portals to identify key factors influencing its adoption. The results suggest that while the potential of the new technology is immense, its adoption is constrained by a number of political factors. In particular, the authors find that there is disinclination toward adopting Web 2.0 by incumbent governors while the technology was favored by governors who are newly elected into their office. Moreover, there was disinclination toward the new technology by governors with high approval rating while those with low approval rating sought to adopt them. Our findings point to a perception by governors about Web 2.0 as a powerful and effective instrument of communication but, at the same time, politically risky, creating disincentive to adopt the technology by governors with established political support. There is a “more to lose” mentality about Web 2.0 by political actors with high level of political support while “less to lose” by those with thin political support. This research sketches a picture of Web 2.0 adoption in government where political instability and newcomers facilitates the use of Web 2.0 increasing dialogue and communication with citizens while higher levels of political stability and support reduces the use of Web 2.0, diminishing the channel of communication created by the new technology.

A Shining City on Another Hill: Danish Civil Religion as State Mythology

2011 ◽  
Vol 58 (2) ◽  
pp. 235-246 ◽  
Author(s):  
Niels Reeh
Keyword(s):  
Political Process ◽  
Civil Religion ◽  
Analytical Framework ◽  
State Agency ◽  
The Political ◽  
New Approach ◽  
State Recognition ◽  
The Government ◽  
Collective Actor ◽  
Point Of Departure

The author attempts to break with the Durkheimian approach to civil religion and seeks to develop a new approach. It is suggested that state agency could fruitfully be brought into the centre of the analytical framework. Norbert Elias’s concept of the survival unit is adopted and the democratic Danish state is regarded as a complex collective actor, not restricted to the government but comprising also its citizens, who have access, however limited, to the political process. From this point of departure, the Danish flag days are analyzed, including the introduction of official state recognition of Danish soldiers serving abroad. The consequence of the adoption of a state-centred analytical framework is that civil religion can be regarded as the official state myth, the autobiography of the Danish state.

scholarly journals ANALISIS FAKTOR-FAKTOR YANG MEMENGARUHI KORUPSI DI KAWASAN ASIA PASIFIK

2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 32-44
Author(s):  
Happy Febrina Hariyani ◽  
Dominicus Savio Priyarsono ◽  
Alla Asmara
Keyword(s):  
Economic Growth ◽  
Urban Population ◽  
Institutional Quality ◽  
Political Stability ◽  
Developed Countries ◽  
Asia Pacific ◽  
Asia Pacific Region ◽  
The Government ◽  
High Level ◽  
The Impact

The phenomenon of corruption is a big problem faced by countries with rapid economic development. The problem is not only faced by developing countries, but also in some developed countries. The factors that cause corruption classified into three broad categories--economic, political and socio-cultural. The high level of corruption in a country can also cause high cost economy that could hamper economic growth through the obstacles that occur in the investment. The purpose of this study is to analyze the factors that affect the level of corruption and to analyze the impact of corruption on economic growth in the Asia Pacific region. The results show that public budget, political stability, and urban population affect the level of corruption. Low institutional quality, indicated by the failure of the government (corruption), has a bad influence on economic growth performance.

The Level and Sources of Popular Support for China's Current Political Regime

1997 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 45-64 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jie Chen ◽  
Yang Zhong ◽  
Jan William Hillard
Keyword(s):  
Public Support ◽  
Political Stability ◽  
Public Affairs ◽  
Sample Survey ◽  
Communist Regime ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
The Political ◽  
Popular Support ◽  
Authoritarian Government ◽  
High Level

This article assumes that whether the current Chinese authoritarian government can maintain socio-political stability during the potentially turbulent transition to the post-Deng Xiaoping era depends, at least in part, upon the level of popular support for the political regime (or regime legitimacy). Based on data derived from a sample survey of Beijing residents, this study seeks to address two fundamental questions: “To what extent does the current Chinese communist regime enjoy public support?” and “What are the possible sources of popular support for the political regime in contemporary China?” The findings in this study suggest that (1) the current communist regime still enjoys a moderately high level of popular support, and (2) popular support for the regime is most likely to be found among those who are optimistic about the country's economic and political futures, who are most satisfied with their life, who give high evaluations of incumbent policies, who often follow public affairs, and who are older. Based on these findings, the article concludes that the current communist regime seems to have a good chance of remaining legitimate among a majority of the Chinese people, while it is still facing serious challenges from its policy performance in some major public policy areas.

New army could threaten Haitian political stability

2017 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Disaster Relief ◽  
Political Stability ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Domestic Security ◽  
Security Environment ◽  
Disaster Relief Operations ◽  
Un Peacekeeping ◽  
History Of ◽  
Relief Operations ◽  
The Government

Subject Military prospects. Significance Haiti ended on July 25 a week-long drive for 500 recruits to fill the ranks of its newly resurrected military. The revival of the country’s army, the functions of which will largely relate to anti-smuggling and disaster relief operations, comes in the context of the withdrawal of a long-standing UN peacekeeping force in October. The government argues that the new force will be necessary to provide security in the UN’s absence. However, weak oversight mechanisms, widespread corruption and a long history of military intervention in Haitian politics, mean that the force is more likely to disrupt than improve the domestic security environment. Impacts The force’s size and lack of experience will limit its effectiveness in dealing with smuggling and disaster relief operations. Haitian army patrols along the Dominican border will increase the risk of perceived smugglers and migrants being shot. The creation of an army will divert funds and personnel away from the country’s already underperforming police force.

The Adoption of Web 2.0 by the State Government

2016 ◽  
pp. 1219-1237
Author(s):  
Michael J. Ahn ◽  
Michael Berardino
Keyword(s):  
Web 2.0 ◽  
State Government ◽  
New Technology ◽  
Political Stability ◽  
Political Support ◽  
Political Factors ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Approval Rating ◽  
The Government ◽  
High Level

The emergence of Web 2.0 introduced a new potential in e-government which empowers citizens to share information and mobilize spontaneously online, and enables citizens to communicate directly with the government and its elected officials while significantly lowering some of the traditional barriers of e-government adoption such as the lack of financial resources and technical expertise in government. This paper examined the pattern of Web 2.0 adoption on state web portals to identify key factors influencing its adoption. The results suggest that while the potential of the new technology is immense, its adoption is constrained by a number of political factors. In particular, the authors find that there is disinclination toward adopting Web 2.0 by incumbent governors while the technology was favored by governors who are newly elected into their office. Moreover, there was disinclination toward the new technology by governors with high approval rating while those with low approval rating sought to adopt them. Our findings point to a perception by governors about Web 2.0 as a powerful and effective instrument of communication but, at the same time, politically risky, creating disincentive to adopt the technology by governors with established political support. There is a “more to lose” mentality about Web 2.0 by political actors with high level of political support while “less to lose” by those with thin political support. This research sketches a picture of Web 2.0 adoption in government where political instability and newcomers facilitates the use of Web 2.0 increasing dialogue and communication with citizens while higher levels of political stability and support reduces the use of Web 2.0, diminishing the channel of communication created by the new technology.

scholarly journals Russian political discourse-problems of interaction between government and society

2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (4) ◽  
pp. 346
Author(s):  
Lyudmila G. Titova ◽  
Anna V. Uryadova ◽  
Sergey A. Baburkin
Keyword(s):  
Political Communication ◽  
Political Discourse ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Modern Society ◽  
The Political ◽  
Power Structures ◽  
Political Crises ◽  
The Government ◽  
Written Word ◽  
High Level

The article deals with the issues of modern Russian political discourse - the interaction of power and society, political communication, the influence of power through the spoken and written word on the mass consciousness. The significance of the problem in modern society is associated with the expansion of the political space through multi-sided political communication, the introduction of new subjects in the political polylogue, the dissemination of information flows that are exchanged by participants in the political process and which are not always adequately perceived and processed by them, which creates opportunities for purposeful management of people's behavior. In Russian political practice, this has been noted in various forms of controlled protest. Media texts, the interpretation of written texts in their variety of genres, the ability to persuade in oral speeches, the use of political terms, informal words and expressions, slang, depending on the audience and the goals set by the speakers, are becoming more and more common forms of influence. Modern political discourse is shown as existing outside of the moral requirements and restrictions imposed by the authorities, who pursue the main goal of self - preservation and self-restraint, and use all methods of manipulation for this purpose, creating a pseudo-reality. This is especially significant in times of political crises, when power structures and leaders begin to reveal their failure, inability to make adequate political decisions, compensating them with various technologies of zombie population. Channels of influence are the media, which in the conditions of the information society turn into another power institution. Manipulative influence of the word can be neutralized in the dialogue between the government and society, which implies a high level of political culture of the elite and citizens.

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