The Adoption of Web 2.0 by the State Government

2016 ◽  
pp. 1219-1237
Author(s):  
Michael J. Ahn ◽  
Michael Berardino
Keyword(s):  
Web 2.0 ◽  
State Government ◽  
New Technology ◽  
Political Stability ◽  
Political Support ◽  
Political Factors ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Approval Rating ◽  
The Government ◽  
High Level

The emergence of Web 2.0 introduced a new potential in e-government which empowers citizens to share information and mobilize spontaneously online, and enables citizens to communicate directly with the government and its elected officials while significantly lowering some of the traditional barriers of e-government adoption such as the lack of financial resources and technical expertise in government. This paper examined the pattern of Web 2.0 adoption on state web portals to identify key factors influencing its adoption. The results suggest that while the potential of the new technology is immense, its adoption is constrained by a number of political factors. In particular, the authors find that there is disinclination toward adopting Web 2.0 by incumbent governors while the technology was favored by governors who are newly elected into their office. Moreover, there was disinclination toward the new technology by governors with high approval rating while those with low approval rating sought to adopt them. Our findings point to a perception by governors about Web 2.0 as a powerful and effective instrument of communication but, at the same time, politically risky, creating disincentive to adopt the technology by governors with established political support. There is a “more to lose” mentality about Web 2.0 by political actors with high level of political support while “less to lose” by those with thin political support. This research sketches a picture of Web 2.0 adoption in government where political instability and newcomers facilitates the use of Web 2.0 increasing dialogue and communication with citizens while higher levels of political stability and support reduces the use of Web 2.0, diminishing the channel of communication created by the new technology.

The Adoption of Web 2.0 by the State Government

2014 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 56-73 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael J. Ahn ◽  
Michael Berardino
Keyword(s):  
Web 2.0 ◽  
State Government ◽  
New Technology ◽  
Political Stability ◽  
Political Support ◽  
Political Factors ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Approval Rating ◽  
The Government ◽  
High Level

The emergence of Web 2.0 introduced a new potential in e-government which empowers citizens to share information and mobilize spontaneously online, and enables citizens to communicate directly with the government and its elected officials while significantly lowering some of the traditional barriers of e-government adoption such as the lack of financial resources and technical expertise in government. This paper examined the pattern of Web 2.0 adoption on state web portals to identify key factors influencing its adoption. The results suggest that while the potential of the new technology is immense, its adoption is constrained by a number of political factors. In particular, the authors find that there is disinclination toward adopting Web 2.0 by incumbent governors while the technology was favored by governors who are newly elected into their office. Moreover, there was disinclination toward the new technology by governors with high approval rating while those with low approval rating sought to adopt them. Our findings point to a perception by governors about Web 2.0 as a powerful and effective instrument of communication but, at the same time, politically risky, creating disincentive to adopt the technology by governors with established political support. There is a “more to lose” mentality about Web 2.0 by political actors with high level of political support while “less to lose” by those with thin political support. This research sketches a picture of Web 2.0 adoption in government where political instability and newcomers facilitates the use of Web 2.0 increasing dialogue and communication with citizens while higher levels of political stability and support reduces the use of Web 2.0, diminishing the channel of communication created by the new technology.

The Adoption of Web 2.0 by the State Government

2015 ◽  
pp. 753-770
Author(s):  
Michael J. Ahn ◽  
Michael Berardino
Keyword(s):  
Web 2.0 ◽  
State Government ◽  
New Technology ◽  
Political Stability ◽  
Political Support ◽  
Political Factors ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Approval Rating ◽  
The Government ◽  
High Level

The emergence of Web 2.0 introduced a new potential in e-government which empowers citizens to share information and mobilize spontaneously online, and enables citizens to communicate directly with the government and its elected officials while significantly lowering some of the traditional barriers of e-government adoption such as the lack of financial resources and technical expertise in government. This paper examined the pattern of Web 2.0 adoption on state web portals to identify key factors influencing its adoption. The results suggest that while the potential of the new technology is immense, its adoption is constrained by a number of political factors. In particular, the authors find that there is disinclination toward adopting Web 2.0 by incumbent governors while the technology was favored by governors who are newly elected into their office. Moreover, there was disinclination toward the new technology by governors with high approval rating while those with low approval rating sought to adopt them. Our findings point to a perception by governors about Web 2.0 as a powerful and effective instrument of communication but, at the same time, politically risky, creating disincentive to adopt the technology by governors with established political support. There is a “more to lose” mentality about Web 2.0 by political actors with high level of political support while “less to lose” by those with thin political support. This research sketches a picture of Web 2.0 adoption in government where political instability and newcomers facilitates the use of Web 2.0 increasing dialogue and communication with citizens while higher levels of political stability and support reduces the use of Web 2.0, diminishing the channel of communication created by the new technology.

YOUTH POLICY IN MODERN RUSSIA. ABSENTEEISM AND POLITICAL PROTEST

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
G.I. AVTSINOVA ◽  
М.А. BURDA
Keyword(s):  
Young People ◽  
Political Stability ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Protest ◽  
Youth Organizations ◽  
Youth Policy ◽  
The Government ◽  
Russian Politics ◽  
High Level

The article analyzes the features of the current youth policy of the Russian Federation aimed at raising the political culture. Despite the current activities of the government institutions in the field under study, absenteeism, as well as the protest potential of the young people, remains at a fairly high level. In this regard, the government acknowledged the importance of forming a positive image of the state power in the eyes of young people and strengthen its influence in the sphere of forming loyal associations, which is not always positively perceived among the youth. The work focuses on the fact that raising the loyalty of youth organizations is one of the factors of political stability, both in case of internal turbulence and external influence. The authors also focus on the beneficiaries of youth protests. The authors paid special attention to the issue of forming political leadership among the youth and the absence of leaders expressing the opinions of young people in modern Russian politics. At the same time, youth protest as a social phenomenon lack class and in some cases ideological differences. The authors come to the conclusion that despite the steps taken by the government and political parties to involve Russian youth in the political agenda, the young people reject leaders of youth opinion imposed by the authorities, either cultivating nonparticipation in the electoral campagines or demonstrating latent protest voting.

The Steamboat, Safety and the State: Government Reaction to New Technology in a Period of Laissez-Faire

2011 ◽  
pp. 51-74
Author(s):  
John Armstrong ◽  
David M. Williams
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
State Government ◽  
Government Intervention ◽  
New Technology ◽  
Steam Power ◽  
Role Of Government ◽  
Government Response ◽  
Laissez Faire ◽  
The Government

This chapter explores the government reaction to steam power and the issues of public safety that surrounded it. In particular, it questions the lack of prominent government intervention until the middle of the nineteenth century. It studies the economic advantages of steam over sail; the new hazards associated with steam power and the causes and rates of accidents; the call for government intervention which grew out of these hazards; an analysis of the lack of government response to this pressure for close to thirty years; and a study and assessment of the action eventually taken. It concludes by bringing these points together and places them into the wider context of maritime safety, the role of government, the problematic aspects of laissez-faire politics, and the difficulties inherent in the transition to new technology.

Study of public opinion on post-mortem donation in the Republic of Kazakhstan

2021 ◽  
Vol 9-10 (219-220) ◽  
pp. 2-10
Author(s):  
Zhansila Ismet ◽  
◽  
Kamila Sharmetova ◽  
Zhasulan Baymakhanov ◽  
Erbol Serikuly ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Organ Transplantation ◽  
State Government ◽  
Long Term Results ◽  
Post Mortem ◽  
Online Questionnaire ◽  
Kazakh Population ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government ◽  
High Level ◽  
Keywords Organ Transplantation

Goal. Find out the opinion of the Kazakh population about post-mortem organ donation to save the lives of patients with terminal diseases of organs in need of transplantation. Material and methods. The survey was conducted in the form of an anonymous online questionnaire. Our study involved 1176 people, of these, 309 are male and 867 are female. The survey participants were citizens of different regions of the country and different nationalities, the average age of the participants was 38.7±1 years (18-73 years). Results and discussion. 422 participants (36%) agreed to become a posthumous donor, and 644 (55%) refused to donate. 88 (7.6%) of the participants doubted their choice, the other 22 participants did not answer this question. During the survey, out of 1,176 respondents, 991 (84%) participants know that organ transplantation is being carried out in the country, of which 384 (38.7%) participants agree to post-mortem donation, and 607 (61.2%) participants refuse post-mortem donation. 185 (16%) participants are not informed that organ transplantation is being performed in the country, of which 49 (26.5%) participants agree to post-mortem donation, and 136 (73.5%) participants refuse post-mortem donation. As a result, it was found that informed participants agreed to post-mortem donation in 38.7% of cases, and uninformed participants agreed in only 26.5% of cases. Conclusion. For the development of organ transplantation from a cadaveric donor in Kazakhstan, it is necessary to inform the population about organ transplants carried out in large transplant centers of the country, and with good long-term results, to inform the population about the laws of the Republic of Kazakhstan on organ transplantation. It is very important for the population to guarantee security and huge support from the government of the country. In addition, for the development of organ transplantation from a posthumous donor in Kazakhstan, a lot depends not only on the population of the country itself, but also on social, moral, ethical, economic, and humanitarian support from the state government. Organ transplantation from a post-mortem donor is one of the most complex types of medical care, requiring a high level of professional and material support and coordinated actions at all levels of management. This area cannot develop without the support of society, the government, as well as without a positive view of the population. Keywords: organ transplantation, donor, opinion of the population of Kazakhstan.

Prosecuting high-level corruption in Eastern Europe

2018 ◽  
Vol 51 (3) ◽  
pp. 231-244 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maria Popova ◽  
Vincent Post
Keyword(s):  
Future Research ◽  
Criminal Prosecution ◽  
Eastern European ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Individual Level ◽  
Country Level ◽  
The Government ◽  
Eastern European Countries ◽  
High Level ◽  
And Behavior

Do Eastern European courts effectively constrain politicians and uphold the rule of law? Criminal prosecution of grand (high-level) corruption can further the central principle of equal responsibility under the law by demonstrating that even powerful political actors have to submit to the laws of the land. This article introduces the Eastern European Corruption Prosecution Database, which contains entries for all cabinet ministers (927 in total) who served in a government that held office in one of seven post-Communist Eastern European countries since the late 1990s. The systematic data collection reveals that Bulgaria, Romania and Macedonia consistently indict more ministers than Croatia, the Czech Republic, and Poland; Slovakia has barely indicted anyone. We aim to start a research agenda by formulating hypotheses about which countries will see more corruption prosecutions and which ministers’ characteristics would make them more likely to face the court. We use the database to begin testing these hypotheses and find some evidence for several associations. We find no strong evidence that EU conditionality or membership raises the profile of the grand corruption issue or leads to more indictments. Party politics seems to affect the frequency of corruption indictments more than the structure and behavior of legal institutions. Indictment rates are lower when a former Communist party controls the government and individual ministers from junior coalition partners are more vulnerable to indictment than other ministers. The existence of a specialized anti-corruption prosecution or a more independent judiciary do not seem to lead to the indictment of more ministers on corruption charges. Finally, we discuss avenues of future research that our database opens, both for the analysis of country-level and individual-level variation.

scholarly journals ANALISIS FAKTOR-FAKTOR YANG MEMENGARUHI KORUPSI DI KAWASAN ASIA PASIFIK

2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 32-44
Author(s):  
Happy Febrina Hariyani ◽  
Dominicus Savio Priyarsono ◽  
Alla Asmara
Keyword(s):  
Economic Growth ◽  
Urban Population ◽  
Institutional Quality ◽  
Political Stability ◽  
Developed Countries ◽  
Asia Pacific ◽  
Asia Pacific Region ◽  
The Government ◽  
High Level ◽  
The Impact

The phenomenon of corruption is a big problem faced by countries with rapid economic development. The problem is not only faced by developing countries, but also in some developed countries. The factors that cause corruption classified into three broad categories--economic, political and socio-cultural. The high level of corruption in a country can also cause high cost economy that could hamper economic growth through the obstacles that occur in the investment. The purpose of this study is to analyze the factors that affect the level of corruption and to analyze the impact of corruption on economic growth in the Asia Pacific region. The results show that public budget, political stability, and urban population affect the level of corruption. Low institutional quality, indicated by the failure of the government (corruption), has a bad influence on economic growth performance.

scholarly journals Policy of the states of the European Union against sessesionism

2016 ◽  
pp. 74-77
Author(s):  
L. Kovalevych
Keyword(s):  
Political Stability ◽  
Domestic Policy ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Political Factors ◽  
Regional Conflicts ◽  
Form Of Government ◽  
Successful Resolution ◽  
Decentralization Policy ◽  
The Government ◽  
Ethnic Policy

The role of domestic policy in solving of inter-regional conflicts and counteracting secessionist processes are disclosed in the article. A mixed populatіon in any area can live either in peaceful coexistence and political stability or in violent conflicts. This is mostly dependent on the internal ethnic policy. Variety of the government’s reactions to the strengthening of centrifugal tendencies in some regions are explored; among which the approval of separatist demands, the advancement of conditions of underprivileged minorities, adoption of “asymmetric federalism”, allowance for minorities to participate in politіcal debate through parliamentary voting, referendums, etc., establishment of a confederation with only limited links between countries are distinguished. Another way to solve regional conflicts is to create a “multinational federation.” The main features of the state policy of the European Union’s countries which have regions with high potential secessionist conflict are analyzed. The necessities of a balanced domestic policy of the government to prevent the escalation of internal contradictions are emphasized. The influence of the form of government on minimizing of inter-regional conflicts is investigating. After correlating data about current regional conflicts and the forms of government of the hosting countries, it was found that the form of government (from unitary to federalism) is not the only decisive factor for solving of regional conflicts. However, taking into account the historical, cultural, linguistic, economic factors, it is important to understand that political mechanisms can give an initial impulse, the first impetus to resolve the conflicts. Therefore, political factors are some of the key one in regularizing of secessionism. Moreover, examples of the successful resolution of regional conflіcts by particular European states are considered. Experience of an effective resolving of regional conflicts in western European countries showed that in all the cases (Switzerland, Germany, Spain and Great Britain) the mechanisms of the institution of parliamentarism and solving of the language issue were used. The geographic decentralization policy of the supreme power (Germany) and legitimization of government decisions through referendums (Switzerland) are equally effective.

scholarly journals Analysis of the Russian Governance

2021 ◽  
Vol 93 ◽  
pp. 05009
Author(s):  
Valeriy Smirnov ◽  
Denis Osipov ◽  
Vasiliy Ashmarin ◽  
Vladimir Gurdzhiyan ◽  
Olga Ezhova
Keyword(s):  
State Government ◽  
Rule Of Law ◽  
Political Stability ◽  
World Bank Group ◽  
Government Control ◽  
Governance Indicators ◽  
Regulatory Quality ◽  
Management Indicators ◽  
The Government ◽  
Bank Group

The article highlights the issue of the modern Russian economy management and the theoretic representations of the general criteria of management. The research contains an analysis of the Russian management figures dynamics for the six broad aspects of management of Worldwide Governance Indicators (World Bank Group). As a result of cluster analysis of the Russian management figures growth rate there have been revealed big and important clusters. The major directions and means of management are as follows: corruption combating – corruption control; government control efficiency – rule of law and regulatory quality; political stability and absence of violence – vote and accountability. In the Russian reality there exists rationality of state government based on the rule of law, regulatory quality, freedom of speech and responsibility for the expression of will. Corruption control is manifested through the visibility of fighting it. As a result of neural network analysis of the importance of growth rates of the Russian management indicators there has been detected an hierarchy of priorities among which the Government efficiency is the most important and the least important are the reign of law, political stability and absence of violence / terrorism.

scholarly journals Legitimasi Pemilihan Umum di Indonesia Tahun 2019

2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 106-112
Author(s):  
Untung Sri Hardjanto
Keyword(s):  
Social Change ◽  
State Government ◽  
Personal Characteristics ◽  
Political Stability ◽  
Legal Research ◽  
The People ◽  
General Elections ◽  
The Media ◽  
Democratic Election ◽  
The Government

Abstract The article aims to find out the legitimacy of the general elections in Indonesia in 2019, especially related to the future implementation of the basic constitution for holding the 2019 general election. Research is normative legal research based on the statutory approach. the results of the study indicate that legitimacy is the recognition and support of the community towards the winner of the election to then form a state government. So that legitimacy is needed for political stability and the possibility of social change and opening opportunities to expand fields in order to improve welfare. For Indonesia, the 2019 Election will receive formal-procedural legitimacy from anyone considering the existence of institutions that carry out the implementation of elections based on the principle of overflow. Whereas the legitimacy that is based on personal characteristics will only be a comparison and directing, leading to the voting of the people, will not affect the government formed given the existence of peaceful and democratic election pacts and the media that has arrived in the regions. Keywords: Legitimacy, Constitution, General Elections, Jurdil, and Luber Abstrak  Artikel bertujuan untuk mengetahui legitimasi pemilihan umum di Indonesia tahun 2019, khususnya terkait dengan masa depan pelaksanaan dasar konstitusi penyelenggaraan pemilihan umum 2019. Penelitian merupakan penelitian hukum normatif yang berdasarkan pada pendekatan statutory approach. hasil penelitian menjukkan bahwa legitimasi merupakan pengakuan dan dukungan dari masyarakat terhadap pemenang pemilu untuk kemudian membentuk pemerintahan negara. Sehingga legitimasi diperlukan untuk kesetabilan politik dan kemungkinan terjadinya perubahan sosial serta membuka kesempatan memperluas bidang-bidang dalam rangka peningkatana kesejahteraan. Untuk Indonesia, Pemilu Tahun 2019 akan mendapat legitimasi formal-prosedural dari siapapun mengingat adanya lemabaga negara yang menjalankan penyelenggaraan pemilu berdasar pada asas luber jurdil. Sedangkan legitimasi yang mendasarkan pada ciri pribadi hanya akan menjadi pembanding dan mengarahkan, menggiring menuju pemberian suara masyarakat, tidak akan berpengaruh pada pemearintahan yang terbentuk mengingat adanya pakta pemilu damai dan demokratis serta mas media yang sudah sampai kedaerah. Kata Kunci: Legitimasi, Konstitusi, Pemilihan Umum, Jurdil dan Luber

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