The ERA Won—At Least in the Opinion Polls

1982 ◽  
Vol 15 (04) ◽  
pp. 578-584
Author(s):  
Mark R. Daniels ◽  
Robert Darcy ◽  
Joseph W. Westphal
Keyword(s):  
Ronald Reagan ◽  
Small Towns ◽  
Second Phase ◽  
Equal Rights ◽  
Demographic Groups ◽  
Gallup Poll ◽  
University Women ◽  
John Birch Society ◽  
Private Organizations ◽  
It Support

In 1972 it appeared that the Equal Rights Amendment (ERA) would be ratified quickly. Support was forthcoming from a vast array of political leaders, such as President Nixon, past presidents, governors and legislators. Both major parties made the amendment part of their platforms and did so again in 1976. An impressive list of private organizations, including the National Federation of Business and Professional Women's Clubs, the League of Women Voters, the American Association of University Women and many labor organizations, supported the amendment. Opposition was confined to groups of limited political effectiveness, such as the John Birch Society, George Wallace's American Independent Party and the Daughters of the American Revolution (DAR).During the years immediately following congressional approval of the ERA in 1972, the American public strongly favored the amendment (see Table 1). In 1974, three Americans favored the ERA for every one who opposed it. Support for the ERA continued at a ratio of about two to one throughout the early ratification years. Support was widespread among all demographic groups. In 1975-76, the Gallup Poll found that even within groups where opposition to the ERA was strongest a majority supported ratification. Specifically, persons with low incomes favored it 53 percent to 31 percent and those living in small towns supported it 54 percent to 29 percent.Only in 1980—eight years after the ERA was submitted to the states for ratification—did support dip down to its lowest level. This represented a second phase for the ERA—the 1980 presidential campaign-during which the amendment was transformed by candidate Ronald Reagan into a partisan issue and removed from the Republican platform.

Religious Traditions in Politics: Protestantism

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Evert van Leeuwen
Keyword(s):  
Social Justice ◽  
Political Action ◽  
John Calvin ◽  
Second Phase ◽  
Human Beings ◽  
Equal Rights ◽  
Political Dimension ◽  
Early 21St Century ◽  
Religious Traditions ◽  
God's Image

Protestantism was labeled when German noblemen wished to retain control of their own country church. Martin Luther’s theology based on faith and the scripture became in this way a matter of political dispute. His rejection of the pope as the final authority in matters of religion brought the Lutheran country churches within the power and economy of the local noble rulers, liberating them from financial obligations to Rome. Luther’s actions were, in the first phase of Protestantism, followed by those of Anabaptists and cantons in Switzerland (Huldrych Zwingli) and cities in France (Martin Bucer in Strasbourg; John Calvin in Geneva). Calvin stood for a kind of theocratic regime based on his doctrine of predestination. His views spread over France and the Low Countries (Belgium, Netherlands) as a liberation from the feudal system. In the second phase of Protestantism, the political dimension became less significant, and the focus became instead upon Protestant believers’ looking inward to find the Light, or God, in themselves. Political action then became the consequence of the intention to do well, by seeking justice and seeing that every human being is created in God’s image. Many groups were persecuted, as the earlier Anabaptists were, and left Europe for the New World. There they became activists for the abolition of slavery, equal rights for all human beings, and social justice. The third phase of Protestantism is characterized by ideas of rebirth and regeneration. Sin and evil can be washed away and people can start a new life in the blessing of Jesus Christ, following his guidance as evangelicals. In matters of politics, personal norms and values become more important than social justice or reform, leading to bans on, for instance, abortion and homosexuality as sinful ways of life. In the early 21st century, a significant number of Protestant groups are active in right-wing politics, and their membership continues to grow in the Americas, Africa and Asia.

scholarly journals HISTORICAL OVERVIEW OF U.S. INCLUSIVE EDUCATION FEDERAL LEGISLATION

2021 ◽  
pp. 39-43
Author(s):  
Tamara Bondar
Keyword(s):  
No Child Left Behind ◽  
Inclusive Education ◽  
The United States ◽  
Federal Legislation ◽  
Second Phase ◽  
Court Decisions ◽  
Equal Rights ◽  
Education Development ◽  
The Usa ◽  
The U.S

 The relevance of the research problem tackling the inclusive education evolution in the United States is explained by the fact that it the USA has been a leader in developing a rights-based model of inclusive education. The research is conditioned by the current stage of national education that undergoes modernization, the steady course of Ukraine to create an inclusive school, and government’s request to implement its initiatives. The purpose of this article is to present a reconsidered historical analysis of the inclusive education in the USA that represents an expansion of earlier research conducted by the author. Methods applied include historical and comparative research. The author’s periodization that describes the phases in the inclusive education development in the USA is presented. This is based on the chronologically arranged U.S. federal legislation related to ensuring equal rights and opportunities. It is stated that some court decisions and federal legislation that incorporated court decisions clearly marked the phases in inclusive education development. These legislative milestones beginning each phase include the U.S. Supreme Court decision Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka (1954), the Education for All Handicapped Children Act (1975), the Education of the Handicapped Students Act Amendments (1986), No Child Left Behind Act (2001), and Every Student Succeeds Act (2015). Consequently, there are five phases in the inclusive education development and each phase reflects the general trend in the U.S. inclusive education. The initial phase is referred to as the active social movement for the right to education (1954–1974). In the second phase, children with disabilities were integrated into regular schools through mainstreaming (1975–1985). Then comes the so-called Regular Education Initiative phase or full inclusion (1986–2000), followed by the accountable inclusive education phase (2001–2014). Finally, the phase of the high-quality inclusive education started in 2015 and continues today.

scholarly journals THE CHRISTIAN RIGHT, THE FEDERAL COURTS, AND THE CONSTITUTION IN THE UNITED STATES

2011 ◽  
Vol 15 (1, 2 & 3) ◽  
pp. 2006
Author(s):  
Judith A. Garber
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Christian Right ◽  
Ronald Reagan ◽  
The United States ◽  
Federal Courts ◽  
Equal Rights ◽  
White House ◽  
Moral Majority ◽  
Constitutional Right ◽  
Jerry Falwell

Twenty-five years have passed since the newly formed Moral Majority helped put Ronald Reagan in the White House and a Republican majority in the United States Senate. The Moral Majority was one organization (and its founder, the Reverend Jerry Falwell, one figure) at the centre of an emerging evangelical Protestant social movement. This movement was galvanized by two aims: defeating the Equal Rights Amendment,3 which Congress submitted to the states for consideration in 1972, and contesting the U.S. Supreme Court’s 1973 Roe v. Wade4 ruling, which recognized a constitutional right to abortion. In the early 1980s, “New Christian Right” was an accurate description of the first widespread public engagement of evangelicals in half a century.

The Bipartisan Trap

Worldview ◽  
1983 ◽  
Vol 26 (8) ◽  
pp. 7-10
Author(s):  
Ross K. Baker
Keyword(s):  
Democratic Party ◽  
Married Couple ◽  
Ronald Reagan ◽  
Limited Role ◽  
It Support ◽  
Born Again ◽  
The Relationship

The Democratic party is like an estranged married couple that tries to make a go of it again. However great its resolve to play up the things held in common and to minimize those causing strife, it soon finds that the matters that tear at the relationship are of equal or greater importance than those that cement it. One might say that on many issues the Democratic party is divided between those who squeeze the toothpaste tube in the middle and those who roll it up from the end.For openers, there are elements in the party who are distinctly uncomfortable with many of the constituencies that traditionally have lent it support. For another thing, the party itself is divided between vintage free-traders and born-again protectionists. Although Democrats want government to have more than the limited role Ronald Reagan would consign to it, many in the party fear that the voters are unsympathetic to its statist proclivities.

scholarly journals Equal Rights and Opportunities During the COVID-19 Pandemic, in Consideration of the Huge Difference between Big Cities and Small Towns

2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-23
Author(s):  
Mariangela Barletta
Keyword(s):  
Small Towns ◽  
Fundamental Rights ◽  
Equal Rights ◽  
Protective Measures ◽  
Freedom Of Movement ◽  
Italian Government ◽  
Essential Services ◽  
Big Cities ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Right

The current pandemic has imposed the need to apply protective measures to prevent the spread of the virus. These include, in particular, restrictions on freedom of movement, with all the ensuing consequences. In some states, governments have chosen to impose total lockdowns for a certain period, which is useful for lowering the levels of contagion, while others have preferred to adopt semi-lockdowns. The Italian government, for example, in recent months, has chosen to divide the regions into colors: red, orange, yellow and green, depending on the needs and severity of the conditions within each territory. The decisions that have been made, however, do not take into account the important differences between regions, given that some of them offer more opportunities than others, nor they have considered the differences between cities and towns. In fact, there is a huge difference between people who live in big cities with all the conveniences that allow them to live comfortably for some time within their own municipalities, and people who live in small towns, where there are no opportunities for recreation or where, more generally, the same opportunities do not exist. Therefore, stopping people, for many consecutive days, from moving between one municipality and another, as happens for those who live in red and orange regions, means violating the principle of equality and other fundamental rights related to the expression of personality. In situations of extreme emergency, such as the current one, therefore, it is important to consider the idea of ​​revising cities and towns, adapting services to actual needs, in order to balance the protection of public health with the right of the citizens to live in dignity. The government restrictions of fundamental rights should never be discriminatory, but always proportionate, according to the context in which they are applied. When it becomes difficult for mothers to even reach hospitals to give birth to their babies, or for people to access essential services due to restrictions, it becomes necessary to ask how the space of the actual cities should be reviewed during the COVID-19 pandemic.

Big Sister

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Erin M. Kempker
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Feminist Movement ◽  
Political Environment ◽  
Equal Rights Amendment ◽  
Equal Rights ◽  
Feminist Activism ◽  
John Birch Society ◽  
The One ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
Second Wave

This book maps the interplay of conservative and feminist women in Indiana during the second half of the twentieth century and proposes an alternative framework for understanding the second wave feminist movement. The central theme is that rightwing women’s understanding of one-worldism--a conspiracy theory refined by grassroots anticommunists during the height of the Cold War--shaped conservative women’s response to the second wave feminist movement and circumscribed feminist activism. Over the course of the postwar era, anticommunist organizations like the Minute Women of the U.S.A., Pro America, and the John Birch Society provided a forum for rightwing women to develop their understanding of related forces pushing for a “one-world,” totalitarian supra-government, forces they described as treasonous. While communists often were lumped under the “one-worlder” category, the two were not synonymous. In literature rightwing women described a spectrum of subversion that included a fifth column but also those advocating domestic cooperation through federal regionalism, gender equality as opposed to gender difference, and internationalists advocating stronger authority for the United Nations. The book documents the work of Hoosier feminists to accomplish their goals, especially the Equal Rights Amendment, in a hostile political environment and the work of rightwing women to counter the threat of internationalism or one-worldism, culminating in a showdown at the 1977 International Women’s Year celebration.

Grain Refinement in Titanium-Erbium Alloys

1974 ◽  
Vol 32 ◽  
pp. 522-523
Author(s):  
B. B. Rath ◽  
J. E. O'Neal ◽  
R. J. Lederich
Keyword(s):  
Electron Microscopy ◽  
Size Distribution ◽  
Grain Refinement ◽  
Grain Growth ◽  
Volume Fraction ◽  
Pure Titanium ◽  
Systematic Investigation ◽  
Second Phase ◽  
Titanium Matrix ◽  
Average Size

Addition of small amounts of erbium has a profound effect on recrystallization and grain growth in titanium. Erbium, because of its negligible solubility in titanium, precipitates in the titanium matrix as a finely dispersed second phase. The presence of this phase, depending on its average size, distribution, and volume fraction in titanium, strongly inhibits the migration of grain boundaries during recrystallization and grain growth, and thus produces ultimate grains of sub-micrometer dimensions. A systematic investigation has been conducted to study the isothermal grain growth in electrolytically pure titanium and titanium-erbium alloys (Er concentration ranging from 0-0.3 at.%) over the temperature range of 450 to 850°C by electron microscopy.

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