The Bipartisan Trap

Worldview ◽  
1983 ◽  
Vol 26 (8) ◽  
pp. 7-10
Author(s):  
Ross K. Baker

The Democratic party is like an estranged married couple that tries to make a go of it again. However great its resolve to play up the things held in common and to minimize those causing strife, it soon finds that the matters that tear at the relationship are of equal or greater importance than those that cement it. One might say that on many issues the Democratic party is divided between those who squeeze the toothpaste tube in the middle and those who roll it up from the end.For openers, there are elements in the party who are distinctly uncomfortable with many of the constituencies that traditionally have lent it support. For another thing, the party itself is divided between vintage free-traders and born-again protectionists. Although Democrats want government to have more than the limited role Ronald Reagan would consign to it, many in the party fear that the voters are unsympathetic to its statist proclivities.

2017 ◽  
Vol 34 (4) ◽  
pp. 289-298
Author(s):  
Anne-Marie Mai

Märta Tikkanen’s poetry collection Århundradets kärlekssaga ( The love story of the century, 1978) is a confessional book on life in a family where the husband and father is an alcohol abuser. It is also a love story about a married couple who love one another despite the terrible challenges posed to the relationship by alcoholism. The poetry collection became one of the most influential books in contemporary Nordic fiction, its themes on gender roles and alcohol abuse setting the trend in the Nordic discussion of women’s liberation. Märta Tikkanen’s courage to tell her own private story inspired other women to confess their gender equality problems to the public. The alcohol abuse of Märta Tikkanen’s husband Henrik Tikkanen was seen as an allegory for the more general problems in the relation between men and women. My essay introduces Märta Tikkanen’s poetry collection and discusses how the poems develop the theme of gender and alcohol. I will also compare her description of their marriage with Henrik Tikkanen’s self-portrait in his autobiographical novella Mariegatan 26, Kronohagen (1977). The analysis refers to contemporary research on gender and alcohol abuse and discusses how the poems contribute to a public recognition of the relationship between gender and alcohol abuse. The essay discusses the reception of Märta Tikkanen’s influential poems and explores her treatment of alcohol and gender in relation to other Nordic confessional or fictional books on alcohol abuse.


2008 ◽  
Vol 41 (3) ◽  
pp. 317-338 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lubomír Kopeček ◽  
Pavel Pšeja

This article attempts to analyze developments within the Czech Left after 1989. Primarily, the authors focus on two questions: (1) How did the Czech Social Democratic Party (ČSSD) achieve its dominance of the Left? (2)What is the relationship between the Social Democrats and the Communist Party of Bohemia and Moravia (KSČM)? We conclude that the unsuccessful attempt to move the KSČM towards a moderate leftist identity opened up a space in which the Social Democrats could thrive, at the same time gradually assuming a pragmatic approach towards the Communists. Moreover, the ability of Miloš Zeman, the leader of the Social Democrats, to build a clear non-Communist Left alternative to the hegemony of the Right during the 1990s was also very important.


2021 ◽  
Vol 18 (3) ◽  
pp. 300-309
Author(s):  
Ksenia A. Yarushina

The article considers the gender culture in the family, one of the most closed and local socio-cultural institutions. The relevance of this topic is determined by the anthropological turn in modern humanitarian knowledge, and the involvement of new data in scientific circulation, which is obtained as a result of the use of case-study semi-formalized techniques for interviewing respondents. Thus, on the basis of the interviews received, there are reconstructed contradictory forms of gender identity in a young married couple in Perm. The article presents the materials of the respondents’ interviews in the form of narratives consistently presenting the key stages of the relationship. Gradually, the narrative’s characters begin to construct a gender identity in a new cultural institution – their own family. There can be seen a conflict between the characters’ symbolic self-identity and their real practices. The man takes a dominant role in the beginning of the relationship. He objectifies the woman and alone decides when to start the relationship. Then the situation changes. The man’s dominant role is replaced with a passive one. The initiative goes to the woman, who repeats the man’s behavior. At the same time, it turns out that in everyday life, the respondents fill the roles of the husband and wife with special content. The wife’s role includes the mother’s behavior towards her husband, and the husband’s role includes the child’s behavior towards his wife. The family is an inverse patriarchal type of relationship. The woman has a dominant role, but identifies herself as an obedient wife.


Author(s):  
Ellen Baker ◽  
Gayle C. Avery ◽  
John Crawford

This chapter examines the role of technology in home-based telecommuting (HBT), and the implications of this role for organizational IT departments and for managers of telecommuting employees. Specifically, it addresses the question: Does technology both facilitate and hinder home-based telecommuting? Although technology enables HBT, it has also been blamed for HBT’s slow growth. To clarify the role that technology currently plays when employees telecommute, we describe a recent study that investigated the relationship between different forms of organizational support (classified as technology-related, somewhat technology-related and non-technological) and employees’ reactions to HBT. Two technology- related support variables and manager’s trust (a non-technological support) were found to have broad impact on employees’ reactions to HBT; so, while technology plays a crucial role and thus could be a major factor in HBT’s slow growth, we argue that HBT is better understood within a multi-factor rather than a single-factor framework. Other implications are that organizations should emphasize providing IT support and appropriate technology for telecommuters, as well as HBT-related training for non-telecommuting co-workers and managers of the telecommuters.


Author(s):  
Seokwoo Song

Intraorganizational units play a critical role in KM processes of acquiring, creating, exchanging, and utilizing knowledge assets. While much attention has been directed to effective knowledge strategies for supporting organizational KM processes, there is a lack of insightful research on knowledge strategy and its implementation at the work-unit level. This study examines two types of work unit knowledge processing styles (i.e., codification and personalization) and explores the relationship between critical determinants (i.e., task, organizational culture, and technology) and knowledge processing styles. The results showed that task variety and task analyzability were strongly associated with both knowledge processing styles. Interestingly, task interdependence and autonomy were significantly related only to personalization, whereas IT support was strongly associated with codification. The findings from this study suggest that the unit’s organizational variables should harmonize appropriately with its knowledge processing styles.


1984 ◽  
Vol 78 (1) ◽  
pp. 126-146 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michio Muramatsu ◽  
Ellis S. Krauss

This article extends the recent empirical work on the perceptions and role of bureaucrats and politicians in policymaking. The question of the relationship between politicians and bureaucrats and the role of each in policymaking is especially important in the case of Japan, because the prevalent models of Japanese politics and policymaking are those of the “bureaucracy dominant” or of a closely interwoven “ruling triad” of bureaucracy, big business, and the governing Liberal Democratic Party.Data are from a systematic survey of 251 higher civil servants and 101 members of the government and opposition parties in the House of Representatives, supplemented by data from other surveys and, wherever possible, compared to equivalent data from western democracies.The results indicate that Japanese politicians and bureaucrats resemble Western European elites both in social background and in the fact that although the roles of politician and bureaucrat are converging, there are still differences in their contributions to the policymaking process. However, politicians influence policymaking more than most models of Japanese politics have posited, and even government and opposition politicians share some consensus about the most important policy issues facing Japan. A factor analysis demonstrated that higher civil servants' orientations toward their roles vary significantly with their positions in the administrative hierarchy.The 27-year incumbency of the LDP as ruling party has been particularly important in determining the Japanese variant of the relationship between politicians and bureaucrats. We suggest that the Japanese case shows that the bureaucracy's increasing role in policymaking is universal; however, in late-modernizing political systems like Japan's, where the bureaucracy has always been a dominant actor, the growing power of politicians in postwar politics has been the most significant actor in bringing about more convergence in the two elites. Our data on this trend argue for a more complicated and pluralistic view of Japanese policymaking than that provided by either the bureaucracy-dominant or the ruling-triad model.


2017 ◽  
Vol 41 (159) ◽  
pp. 97-116
Author(s):  
James Cooper

AbstractThe relationship between the Reagan administration and the Northern Ireland conflict is a neglected area of transatlantic history. This article addresses the extent of Ronald Reagan’s interest in the Northern Irish conflict and the manner in which other protagonists sought to secure or prevent his involvement. It will examine the president’s approach in the context of different views within his administration, the State Department’s wish to maintain American neutrality on the issue of Northern Ireland, and the desire of leading Irish-American politicians for the American government to be much more interventionist. These debates coincided with significant developments in Northern Ireland. Therefore, Reagan’s contribution to the Anglo–Irish process encapsulates a variety of issues: the Troubles in Northern Ireland during the 1980s, the 1985 Anglo–Irish Agreement and the internationalisation of the conflict before the election of President Bill Clinton in 1993.


2010 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 237-259 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tatjana Đurović ◽  
Nadežda Silaški

This paper looks at how the marriage metaphor structures the discourse concerning the relationship between political parties in Serbia. In January 2007, in the first general election to be held in Serbia since its union with Montenegro was dissolved in 2006, no party succeeded in gaining an absolute majority. Eventually, after more than three months of coalition talks, the main pro-reform parties agreed to form a government: the conservative and moderately nationalist right-leaning Democratic Party of Serbia (DSS), together with the pro-Western Democratic Party (DS). Compiling a small data collection from the leading Serbian dailies and political weeklies we have tried to track the metaphors through highly argumentative discourse in regard to the formation of political coalitions and their break-up. The main aim of this study is to show how the metaphors may be mapped and used as a vehicle of public discourse for achieving overt or covert political and ideological objectives on the complex political scene in contemporary Serbia. We will also argue that Serbian political discourse is highly gendered, as gender roles, manifested through the assignment of wife and husband roles to political parties, are clearly delineated according to the traditional male-female dichotomy, implying stereotypical traits and patriarchal values characteristic of Serbian culture.


1994 ◽  
Vol 39 (3) ◽  
pp. 335-360 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Montgomery

SummaryThis essay examines the relationship between popular initiatives and government decision-makers during the 1930s. The economic crisis and the reawakening of labor militancy before 1935 elevated men and women, who had been formed by the workers' movement of the 1910s and 1920s, to prominent roles in the making of national industrial policies. Quite different was the reshaping of social insurance and work relief measures. Although those policies represented a governmental response to the distress and protests of the working class, the workers themselves had little influence on their formulation or administration. Through industrial struggles, the Committee for Industrial Organization (CIO) mobilized a new cadre, trained by youthful encounters with urban ethnic life, expanding secondary schooling and subordination to modern corporate management, in an unsuccessful quest for economic planning and universal social insurance through the agency of a reformed Democratic Party.


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